Worth a read: https://www.americanthinker.
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Over 73 million American (deplorables) voted for a man who, we were told by lying radical Democrats and their mass media shills, would start a nuclear war (did not), was a dictator (was not), colluded with Putin (did not) was enriching himself ( did not) and therefore, should be impeached (he was) and you know the rest.
In fact those who lied to us were actually doing many of the things they were busy accusing Trump.
One day the Trump Haters should look back and ask themselves was this any way to treat a fellow American much less our president and his beautiful family. For the moment they continue their hypocritical diatribe because they feel compelled to rid themselves of their remaining bile.
Trump was duly elected president yet, may not have reached being presidential. However, history will record he accomplished a great deal that was positive and needed correcting and carried out most of his campaign promises. I even suspect in the next four years we may come to miss him if he is unable to accomplish re-election at the end of all recounts etc..
And who is Biden?
Why Biden Is Just a Presidential Figurehead
By Christian Whiton
Joe Biden is in charge of nothing and probably never will be. If the media’s coronation of him as president becomes reality despite allegations of election fraud, he will still be but a figurehead for what effectively amounts to an oligarchy.
It’s useful to remember that Biden was an archetypal senator. During his career, he was never at a loss for an effusion of vapid statements and undoubtedly pronounced millions of them in a tenure that lasted nearly five decades.
Biden never really ran anything, but to the elites that are close to installing him as president, that deficiency not only isn’t a mark against him—it’s an asset. In fact, it’s his key qualification and has been since his dying primary campaign was resurrected by the elite to swindle Bernie Sanders out of the nomination again.
The method is elegant as oligarchies go and recurs throughout history. After the long tenure of Leonid Brezhnev in the Soviet Union, which lasted from 1964 until his death in 1982, the Soviet elite decided it could best run things from behind the scenes with weak time-servers as the face of the regime. It elevated the aging head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, to the job until he died two years later. Undeterred, that elite then installed the even-more-fragile Konstantin Chernenko, who at times literally had to be propped up, until he died after a year in office. George H. W. Bush, then vice president and therefore the de facto funeral-attender for President Ronald Reagan, is rumored to have joked to the U.S. embassy staff upon departing that he would see them “same time, same place” next year. People know when an ailing figurehead represents an ailing regime.
No one should doubt that our oligarchs, reeling from their brush with exposure and destruction since Donald Trump’s election in 2016, are attempting much the same feat as the old Soviet elite.
Biden, soon to be age seventy-eight, is the oldest person set to become president and the most unfit. Even William Henry Harrison, who died a month into his presidency, started much stronger. Those who knew Biden in the Senate suggest that his mental and physical conditions have noticeably eroded. He campaigned less than anyone in modern history, leaving most of the work to his media handmaidens.
It remains unexplored and unexplained why his family pushed him to add still more of his remaining time to an already-decades-long tenure in Washington. Presumably, a more with-it Biden would not have allowed his son, Hunter, to peddle the family name and access to himself in places like China and Ukraine—the germ of a scandal that may soon consume a good deal of Biden’s dwindling energy.
With Biden in his dotage, people are scrambling to learn who the real power will be in a titular Biden administration. Customarily, this can be discerned by who is rumored or named to prominent positions at the White House and various agencies. In turn, one can usually infer from staff choices what the priorities and ideological leanings of a new administration will be.
It is less so with Biden. Certainly, some of the names bandied about are regarded by analysts as closer to the Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton tribes in the party, but the trajectory of the administration seems similar regardless of which names go in which boxes. The reason is that the oligarchy’s path is set and its interests will be maintained.
Wall Street and big tech might get a talking to by Democrats like Elizabeth Warren, but the powers that be will make sure nothing too drastic will get in the way of these important Democrat constituencies. Notwithstanding homages to Scranton, where you may have heard Biden came from before decamping to Delaware, what’s left of manufacturing will resume being exported to China as the administration does away with Trump’s tariffs.
Similarly, blue-collar jobs tied to the oil and gas renaissance of recent years will also go. They are inconsistent with its secular religion of climate change, to be replaced by Green New Deal jobs. If those displaced workers don’t want to move to the coasts and learn to code, then that’s okay: the regnant elite prefers those jobs for its progeny. Meanwhile the unemployed in flyover country can content themselves with a fentanyl addiction and a disability check—safely shuffled back into the shadows after a bit too much inconvenient attention these past four years.
Sure the 2020 elections were about Trump and Biden. But the real issue at stake was whether a left-wing elite accustomed to getting its way—and which runs media, tech, academia, Hollywood, the deep state, and Wall Street—would return to smooth sailing. That ugly and otherwise-incompetent elite is happy to prop up an old man as its face, and even start him off early with a cute podium labeled with the make-believe “Office of the President-elect.” But there should be little doubt of who is in charge, and it isn’t Joe Biden.
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Obama: Netanyahu paints himself as ‘chief defender’ of Jews to justify political moves
In a new book looking back at his eight years in the White House, former President Barack Obama details his sometimes turbulent relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu going back to 2009, when both world leaders took office. A Promised Land, the first of two memoirs the former president is writing about his time in office, is set to be released on Tuesday. Jewish Insider’s Jacob Kornbluh reviewed an advance copy of the book.
The man I know: Netanyahu is a “smart, canny, tough and a gifted communicator” who could be “charming, or at least solicitous” when it benefited him, Obama writes in the book. He points to a conversation the pair had in a Chicago airport lounge in 2005, shortly after Obama was elected to the Senate, in which Netanyahu was “lavishing praise” on him for “an inconsequential pro-Israel bill” the newly elected senator had supported when he served in the Illinois state legislature. But when it came to policy disagreements, Obama observed, Netanyahu was able to use his familiarity with U.S. politics and media to push back against efforts by his administration.
Key assessment: Netanyahu’s “vision of himself as the chief defender of the Jewish people against calamity allowed him to justify almost anything that would keep him in power,” Obama wrote. Looking back, Obama recounted, he sometimes wondered whether “things might have played out differently” if there was a different president in the Oval Office, if someone other than Netanyahu represented Israel and if Abbas had been younger.
Airing grievances: In the book, the former president also grumbles about the treatment he received from leaders of AIPAC, who questioned his policies on Israel. Obama wrote that as Israeli politics moved to the right, AIPAC’s broad policy positions shifted accordingly, “even when Israel took actions that were contrary to U.S. policy” and that lawmakers and candidates who “criticized Israel policy too loudly risked being tagged as ‘anti-Israel’ (and possibly anti-Semitic) and [were] confronted with a well-funded opponent in the next election.” Obama writes that he was “on the receiving end” of a “whisper campaign” that portrayed him as being “insufficiently supportive — or even hostile toward — Israel” during his 2008 presidential run. “On Election Day, I’d end up getting more than 70 percent of the Jewish vote, but as far as many AIPAC board members were concerned, I remained suspect, a man of divided loyalties; someone whose support for Israel, as one of [David Axelrod’s] friends colorfully put it, wasn’t ‘felt in his kishkes’ — ‘guts,’ in Yiddish.”
Behind the scenes: The book provides an inside look into the political jockeying between the Israeli government and the administration over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Obama maintains that he thought it was “reasonable” to ask for Israel, which he viewed as the “stronger party,” to take a “bigger first step” and freeze settlements in the West Bank. But “as expected,” Netanyahu’s response was “sharply negative.” That was followed by an aggressive pressure campaign by the prime minister’s allies in Washington. “The White House phones started ringing off the hook,” Obama recounts, as his national security team fielded calls from lawmakers, Jewish leaders and reporters “wondering why we were picking on Israel.” He wrote that deputy national security advisor Ben Rhodes once arrived late for a staff meeting “looking particularly harried” after a lengthy phone call with a “highly agitated” liberal Democratic congressman who pushed back against the administration's attempt to stop settlement activity.
Read the full preview of Obama’s memoir here.
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