Every sacred entity/institution in America is under attack by radicals and radical organizations from public schools, universities, colleges, corporations, the military and even to our constitution.
The two main events being exploited are the Covid Epidemic and claims of police brutality towards black citizens. Both have become launching pads and the mass media has purposely sensationalized such events because it too fits their bias and helps generate revenue.
The Democrat Party has been taken over by radicals as well. The party leadership is bankrupt and sees opportunities of solidifying their control and power and express utter disregard, if not full blown contempt, for the nation they took an oath to defend and this attitude has penetrated even into an accommodating White House.
If the Republicans get their act together and wake up to the fact the best opportunity in decades is at hand they can recapture The House and Senate and set the stage for doing the same regarding the Oval Office is 2024.
Lamentably, if history is a worthwhile measure, they will fight among themselves in primaries and begin the war by attacking and injuring their own. Republicans are undisciplined and, individually speaking, are driven by cupidity, avarice and the desire for power as well. After all, they are politicians and these characteristics are associated with those who know better than those they profess they want to serve.
Stay tuned and watch it all play out
https://amgreatness.com/2021/
And:
Biden Indicts the Minneapolis Police
Investigating the entire department will burden the crime-plagued city.
By The Editorial Board
Derek Chauvin awaits his murder sentence at a Minnesota Correctional Facility, yet the federal government spared hardly a moment before shifting its scrutiny toward his former colleagues. A new Justice Department probe of the Minneapolis Police Department is targeting the city’s officers in an effort to prove the Democratic narrative of “systemic” police racism.
Attorney General Merrick Garland on Wednesday announced a pattern-or-practice investigation of Minneapolis police. Federal investigators in coming months will examine the department’s record and policing methods. If they find behavior they dislike, they have the power to force reform of the department through a consent decree. Mr. Garland referred to the process as a matter of straightforward oversight, saying “good officers welcome accountability.”
Yet Minneapolis police are right to suspect that Washington is probing them with a foregone conclusion. In his address after Mr. Chauvin’s conviction Tuesday, President Biden said his Administration’s next step would be “confronting head-on systemic racism and the racial disparities that exist in policing.” The man who drafted the 1994 crime bill that led to the arrest of countless black drug users is now claiming racism is endemic among American police.
Last May then-Attorney General William Barr launched a federal civil-rights probe into the death of George Floyd in police custody, and that investigation continues. But Democrats are now expanding the charge of wrongdoing to the entire department, seeking proof that Mr. Chauvin’s actions represent the culture of policing today. No matter that the Minneapolis police chief since 2017, Medaria Arradondo, testified for the prosecution in the Chauvin trial and has pushed to reform certain police practices like choke hold
The weight of suspicion on police under pattern-or-practice investigations often leads officers under scrutiny to pull back on protecting public safety. A June 2020 study by economists Tanaya Devi and Roland Fryer found that federal probes after “viral incidents” similar to the Floyd killing decreased police actions by almost 90% in Chicago and 54% in Riverside, Calif. The authors estimate that such pullbacks led to nearly 900 excess homicides and 34,000 felonies across five cities in the two years after each Justice investigation began.
The burden on police doesn’t end when the probe does. The consent decrees that often follow pattern-or-practice investigations usually require departments to pay for external monitors and new training regimens, for whatever period a federal judge certifies. The evidence that this improves police practices is scant, but we know they increase crime.
The impact on Minneapolis could be particularly grave, as the city has experienced a sustained crime spike since the Floyd killing and ensuing riots. Violent crime increased by 21% in 2020 compared with the previous year.
Disorder in the streets has led residents to rethink the antipolice fervor of last summer. The Minneapolis City Council voted to disband its police department last June, but it later opted to retain officers after residents spoke up in months of public hearings. Minneapolis police were deployed in force before the announcement of the Chauvin verdict Tuesday, in case of riots after an acquittal.
The new Justice Department investigation resumes a trend begun during the Obama Administration, which launched 23 pattern-or-practice probes of local police. The probe may win Messrs. Biden and Garland plaudits from the political left that is pushing an antipolice narrative. But residents of Minneapolis could pay the price in more crime as police stand down from protecting the public.
Finally:
Maxine Waters is a disgrace to her people or they are too dumb to know she is or a combination of both.
The Maxine Waters Problem
When America’s officials desert any standards for public or personal behavior, expect violence.
By Daniel Henninger
The emptiest, most meaningless statement in American politics in
our time is: “No one condones violence.” That weaselly default word, “condone,”
may be one reason the violence now never seems to stop.
It was astonishing in the runup to the guilty verdict in Derek
Chauvin’s trial to see reports of cities preparing for more riots, not only Minneapolis but New
York, Philadelphia, Oakland, Calif., Portland, Ore., and Washington. But as
with Covid, social distancing from violence is mandatory.
When Rep. Maxine Waters of California (Los Angeles) was asked
whether she was inciting violence by telling the demonstrators arrayed around
her in Brooklyn Center, Minn., to “get more confrontational,” she responded
with the politician’s user-key response that she isn’t “about violence.”
Don’t bother looking, Ms. Waters, but you—like all the rest of
us today in the United States—are engulfed in violence: the political violence
of street protests, the violence of rising urban crime, the violence of cops
either shooting suspects or getting shot by suspects, and the violence
committed routinely by homicidal shooters.
In the largest U.S. cities, the number of murders is rising.
This is only the fourth month of 2021, and in New York City there have been
more than 100 murders, nearly 180 in Chicago, at least 97 in Los Angeles.
Minneapolis’s 21st homicide victim, a teenager, was found dead the day of the
Chauvin verdict.
These are all individual deaths, but they’ve become banal and
barely noted. Urban killing and other crime runs as background noise to the
more publicized street protests, cop incidents and serial shooters.
It might seem like a stretch to conflate political riots,
violent inner-city crime and individual shooters, but I’m not so sure they
aren’t related. Obviously something is spinning out of
control in the U.S. Whatever status quo exists to mitigate each of these forms
of violence, it isn’t working anymore. It is failing.
There used to be widely shared boundaries on personal and public
behavior. Not anymore. A lot of people no longer know how to behave or where
the lines are that one shouldn’t cross.
Or, as with last summer’s political street protests, the former
lines and limits have been erased. That July’s Democratic National Convention
passed without one person addressing the destruction in numerous cities was a
big event, a turning point, for U.S. society generally.
We are paying a high price for this transition to few limits.
Derek Chauvin is about to pay a very high price for not knowing when to let up
on George Floyd.
Most striking is how many people have become unconscious of or
psychologically detached from the consequences of what they are doing.
In Wisconsin last weekend, the Kenosha tavern shooter got angry,
went home, got a gun, and went back to the tavern to kill three people. What
did this formerly free man think was going to happen next?
On the same day, an Austin, Texas, shooter, a former cop, went
to an apartment complex, killed three people, and was next seen on TV standing
on a highway with his hands on his head while the police put him in
handcuffs—basically forever.
How could the postelection Washington mob that invaded the
Capitol think that was no different than attending a rally on the Mall?
Whatever happened to the thought, “Maybe I don’t want to do
this?” Or shouldn’t do this.
Somehow, that internal brake on behavior eroded, and now we too
often find ourselves dealing with the grim, out-of-control results. An epitaph
is the awful phrase of the mother of the FedEx shooter in Indianapolis, who informed
the authorities that she feared her son was going to commit “suicide by cop.”
The system let him fall through the cracks, as it did in 2018 in
Parkland, Fla.—as it has with other shooters. Made passive by its own rules,
the public mental-health system—the so-called administrative state—has proved
incapable of providing basic protections for individuals and communities.
Whatever the reasons, the resulting catastrophes proliferate. More gun-control
inevitably will be another such administrative failure.
There is a pattern here of miss-governance and misjudgments. Black
Lives Matter and its advocates argue, correctly, that the criminal-justice
system arrests and jails too many young black men. Their solution is de-minimas policing and prosecution, explicitly to repair “systemic racism.”
This is a consequentially dangerous error of judgment. They are
absolving young men of personal responsibility for acts of violence against
their neighbors.
The reality across the U.S.—on the streets of protest, in the
toughest neighborhoods or in the minds of the homicidally deranged—is that the
simple and utilitarian concept of behavioral “pushback” has lost consensus
support.
Without pushback’s demarcation of limits—whether with accepted
norms of behavior, a basic police function, or the credible defense of limits
by public officials (not least U.S. presidents)—the future will bring more crude
violence. Which no one will condone.
This was the
original meaning behind the idea of maintaining social
guardrails. They’ve been taken down—again.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Projecting the coming war with China and the authors are dour:
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