++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
It's about time:
https://babylonbee.com/news/me
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
HOOVER Daily (edited:)
|
What a great "racist" song. What talented "racists." I dedicate this song to the biggest racist of all - Maxine Waters.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
It is almost the same old story. Democrats spend on entitlements and when Republicans take over they are forced to spend on rebuilding the military. The difference this time is more and more I am hearing/reading we cannot win wars against China. If that is so, and I am beginning to believe it is, that sends a chilling message to our allies.
Biden’s Defense
Budget Squeeze
More
money for the welfare state means less for the Pentagon.
By The Editorial Board
President Biden’s budget proposal includes record spending for nearly every corner of government, but there’s one big exception: national defense. Even as global threats rise, notably from China, Mr. Biden is squeezing the Pentagon.
Few in the media
have noticed, but the White House is proposing a fiscal 2022 Pentagon budget of
$715 billion. That’s a 1.6% increase from 2021’s $704 billion, but it’s a cut
in the military’s spending power assuming likely inflation of more than 2%. Non-defense
domestic discretionary spending will surge 16%, with the Education Department
rising 41%, Health and Human Services 23% and the Environmental Protection
Agency 21%.
With Mr. Biden proposing a separate $2.3 trillion for
“infrastructure,” you’d think the Pentagon would be included. Aircraft and
naval ships are certainly more justified as public works than subsidies to buy
Teslas. Mr. Biden is making a conscious statement about his party’s political
priorities: butter and more butter, but less for guns.
***
This marks a return to the downward defense spending trend of
the Obama years. Defense spending as a share of GDP fell to 3.1% in fiscal 2017
from 4.7% in 2010, even as the military’s missions increased. Shrinking defense
led to a readiness crisis that was showing up in more accidents and
deficiencies in deployable ships and air units.
The Trump Administration and GOP Congress stopped the decline,
and 2020’s defense outlays were estimated at 3.3% of GDP before the pandemic
shock. But the Biden budget will again force risky trade-offs between military
readiness and investment in the technology and weapons of the future.
The U.S. hasn’t spent less than 3% of its economic output on
defense since before the September 11 attacks. But in the 1990s the U.S.
military did not face peer competitors. Now the U.S. national defense strategy
rightly sees an era of resurgent great power competition, but without the
resources to meet the challenge. This mismatch increases the risk of
miscalculation and war, as China seeks regional military dominance. Russia,
Iran and lesser powers like North Korea also threaten allies and the U.S.
homeland with missiles and cyber hacking.
The gap between strategy and resources is most evident in the
naval challenge in the Western Pacific. China has scaled up its navy to more
than 350 modern ships, while the U.S. is stuck in the water at roughly 300. The
Chinese figure doesn’t include a sizable covert maritime militia that is an
extension of its navy. The Biden budget says the Administration will make
“executable and responsible” investments in the fleet, but the ostensibly bipartisan
goal of 355 ships remains remote.
Perhaps the Administration will wring money from the Army after
its withdrawal from Afghanistan. But the modest savings aren’t enough to
compensate for an overall spending decline. The current fleet simply can’t meet
U.S. commitments in the Indo-Pacific in addition to the Mediterranean and
Persian Gulf. The Navy has aging submarines to upgrade and the Congressional
Budget Office said last month that “required maintenance is projected to exceed
the capacity of the Navy’s shipyards in 25 of the next 30 years.”
To its credit, the White House budget outline mentions money for
long-range weapons “to bolster deterrence and improve survivability and
response timelines.” One of the People’s Liberation Army’s assets is its large
arsenal of precision missiles designed to destroy American ships in the
Pacific. More American long-range fires—especially if they are portable and
ground-launched—can help the balance of power at relatively low cost.
Yet some of the Pentagon funds will also go to “mitigate impacts
of climate change.” That leaves even fewer resources for core fighting
capabilities. Washington can’t ask the military to deter emboldened great
powers and fight climate change on a declining real budget.
***
The blunt truth is that the U.S. is no longer certain to win a
great-power war. Russia is surging forces near Ukraine and China’s military
maneuvers in the Western Pacific are at a new level of intensity. “The signal
given by the military drills is that we are determined to stop Taiwan
independence, and stop Taiwan from working with the U.S. We are doing it with
action,” a Chinese government spokesman said last week.
If American defense investment stagnates as China’s grows, the
U.S. will lose a war over Taiwan. That would be costly in ways Americans can’t
imagine, as Asian allies recalibrate decades-long defense and trading
relationships with the U.S., and American bases in Okinawa and Guam are put at
risk.
Barack Obama never
financed his pivot to the Asia-Pacific, and Mr. Biden may make the same
mistake. The President anticipates immediate political benefits from gigantic
domestic social spending, but the perils of shortchanging defense could become
apparent sooner than he thinks. Fortunately Congress gets a vote, and it can
protect the national interest by overriding his short-sighted plan.
No comments:
Post a Comment