Liberals who cannot abide Trump do so because they
cannot defend their support of Hillary.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Government dependency is the easy way out many black Americans take. It is an opiate that is destroying their families, judgement, character, lives and self respect.
They prefer being victims to standing on their own two feet and remain beholden to self-righteous Democrats who feed them this destructive palliative. (See 1 below.)
https://youtu.be/FszQelEQ2KY
I was very impressed with Daryl Glenn , the black conservative running for The Senate in Colorado. He has a wonderful smile to boot. I know very little about him but found his remarks smack on and again, that smile.
===
Party Platforms can be meaningful or they can simply be shallow window dressing used to please constituents. The fact that the Republicans call for reinstating Glass-Steagall, which Bill Clinton got rid of, is a good move.
===
Sent to me by one of my dear friends, a neighbor and fellow memo reader.
Not all our aid is worthless but so much of it is and it feeds corruption instead of stomachs
in so many countries. (See 2 below.)
===
Will the Peruvian election give us a clue about our own? (See 3 below.)
===
Wednesday night's RNC was good. I was disappointed that Cruz did not go a bit further in his remarks, Gingrich was Newt at his best and Pence showed, again, he is a decent person. Trump's son had a hard act to follow but came off as a fine young man.
Overall it was another good evening of a diverse group of people making their case.
===
Dick
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++1)Gov't dependency a 'narcotic' enabling racial tensions
Sixty percent of Americans say race relations are worse in America since Barack Obama moved into the Oval Office – but a public policy analyst argues it may not really be a racial problem.
The survey conducted by Rasmussen Reportsearlier this month finds that the results divide by racial lines: 66 percent of whites thinking things are worse and only 38 percent of blacks agree with them. But the problem may well be financial. According to federal statistics, as of 2014 more than a quarter of African-Americans were living in poverty. Almost two-thirds of those (62%) who were below the poverty line in 2009 are still there today
Abraham Hamilton III is a public policy analyst with the American Family Association. He says the problem started in the 1940s with Franklin D. Roosevelt's "New Deal" and the rise of the Democrats.
"It's kind of like what FDR said at the onset and implementation … of some of this welfare nanny state in America," Hamilton begins. "He recognized that it's a narcotic and people become addicted to it – and you have those who are in power who need to have a dependency class in order to maintain their power."
So, he says, they keep funneling free money into minority communities, making it easier for black fathers to leave their families and black mothers to abort their children. Single mothers with children far and away top the poverty charts.
Hamilton
"There are some who benefit from keeping this division at bay," Hamilton continues. "The people who benefit don't want a lot of Americans to know that if it wasn't for Christians – dare I say, white Christians – there would have been no abolitionist movement because slaves don't have the ability to free themselves."
He says the black church is uniquely positioned to make a difference and break the cycle of poverty – if only it would stand up to what he calls the "manipulative forces" that keep them dependent.
"Because of the absolute bankruptcy of what I call the race-hustling class, there are a lot of people who are tired of that – and they recognize that it is fruitless," Hamilton concludes.
He specifically names Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson among that "race-hustling class" of individuals.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
2)Democrats and Republicans
Say,
"We're broke"
And can't help our own
Seniors,
Seniors,
Veterans,
Orphans,
Homeless,
Etc.,?????
But, over the last several years THEY
have provided direct cash aid to....
Hamas - $351 M,
Libya -$1.45 B ,
Egypt - $397 M,
Mexico - $622 M,
Russia - $380 M,
Haiti - $1.4 B,
Jordan - $463 M,
Kenya - $816 M,
Sudan - $870 M,
Nigeria - $456 M,
Uganda - $451 M,
Congo - $359 M,
Ethiopia - $981 M,
Pakistan - $2 B ,
South Africa - $566 M,
Senegal - $698 M,
Mozambique - $404 M,
Zambia - $331 M,
Kazakhstan - $304 M,
Iraq - $1.08 B ,
Tanzania - $554 M,
...with literally Billions of Dollars
and they still hate us!!!!
But on the other hand,
Our retired seniors,
Living on a 'fixed income,'
Receive NO aid!
Nor do they get any breaks, while our government
And religious organizations will pour
Hundreds of Billions Of $$$$$$'s
and send Tons of Food to Foreign Countries!
Someone needs to explain to them that
Charity begins AT HOME!!!
And another atrocity....
We have Hundreds of adoptable
American Children who are shoved aside
To make room for
The adoption of
Foreign orphans.
AMERICA : A country where we have
Countless Homeless without shelter,
Children going to bed hungry,
Elderly going without needed medication
and the Mentally ill without treatment -- etc.
YET ..........
They will have a 'Benefit' Show
For the people of Haiti , on 12 TV Stations ;
Ships and planes lining up with food, water, tents
clothes, bedding, doctors and medical supplies.
Now Just Imagine if
Our own * GOVERNMENT *
Gave 'US' the same support they give to foreign countries .
Sad, isn't it?
++++++++++++++++++++++
3)
PERU'S ELECTIONS MAY SIGNAL WHAT'S AHEAD FOR THE UNITED STATES IN NOVEMBER
By Greg Gandin
Take a look at Peru, if you want a sense of what to expect from the set of options on offer by the US political scene. Recently, that Andean country held a presidential election, where the choice was between a neoliberal technocrat and a malevolent right-wing populist.
In early June, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, a former World Bank economist educated in Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School beat Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former president and now-imprisoned Alberto Fujimori, by one-quarter of a percentage point, taking the presidency.
During his 10 years in office, 1990–2000, Fujimori served as a classic free-market strongman, using the country’s war on the Shining Path and law-and-order policies to implement a sweeping program of fiscal and physical torture: privatization; austerity; deregulation of mining; and suspension of constitutional rights. He beat the Shining Path, winning him populist support from marginalized sectors of the population, tired of being betrayed by elite politicians. That support has since transferred to his daughter, who ran a Trump-like anti-establishment campaign that came up short only by a handful of votes.
As Caroline Yezer writes in NACLA, the rightful fear of Fujimori led the Peruvian left, after it had its candidate knocked out in a first round of voting, to put aside whatever concerns they had about PPK and vote the lesser evil: During the elections, diverse sectors of anti-fujimoristas—students, artists, and human rights activists, as well as civil groups that were targeted by Fujimori’s regime (many of them located far from the Lima center)—organized protest marches that drew tens of thousands to the streets.
Together, these groups declared “No to Keiko” in cities across the country. Among the crowds were citizens who were secretly sterilized against their will as part of a population control project targeting poor and indigenous women in the 1990s, as well as groups like Alfombra Roja (Red Carpet), an activist collective that does political performances in public spaces to provoke discussion about reproductive and other rights for women in Peru.
These protesters networked through new Facebook groups dedicated to defeating Keiko’s candidacy. And in an unusual bipartisan move, Mendoza’s Frente Amplio party, which had received the early support of many of these groups, even ended up endorsing Kuczynski ahead of the country’s second-round vote, urging members to cast votes for the candidate in order to stop the return of fujimorismo. There is no doubt that Kuczynski would have lost the election without this timely alliance between the left-leaning Frente Amplio and other anti-fujimorista activists across the nation.
PPK won, by little more than 40,000 votes out of 18,000,000 cast. He hasn’t even taken office yet—he will on July 28—but all signs are that he has interpreted his hair’s-breadth victory as a mandate to abandon his tentative coalition with the left to push forward aggressive deregulated growth policies, particularly in Peru’s mining sector.
The president-elect has called for diluting Peru’s hard-won and fairly decent air-quality standards, a measure long sought after by international mining corporations, and has vowed to reopen a poisonous 100-year old smelter, that was shut down in 2009 because of the toxins it was releasing into the atmosphere and drinking water. He’s already sided with Washington against Venezuela and signaled that one of his first acts will be to cut taxes.
Like Hillary Clinton in the United States, Kuczynski is a prototypical member of the trans-American governing class, with deep roots in both the private and public sector and its revolving-door relationship between Washington think tanks, the State Department, and high-level Latin American ministries. In addition to his work with the World Bank, Kuczynski’s Peruvian portfolio in the past included the ministries of the economy and of mines. In the United States, he’s worked with hedge funds, investment banks, and mining companies, including Pegasus Capital Advisors, a private equity investment firm in Greenwich, Connecticut; New York’s Rohatyn Group; an emerging-market hedge fund, International Finance Corporation; and the Pittsburgh-based Halco Mining.
In other words, Kuczynski represents that class shunted aside with the rise of the Latin American left over the last two decades but which is now making a comeback. He’s appointed a cabinet that is an ideal-type representation of inter-American neoliberalism: His finance minister is a former director of JPMorgan Chase; the minister of mining is a financial consultant; and the environmental ministry went to an economist. The labor minister is a businessman and devotee of the free-market ideologue Hernando de Soto. All were educated either in the United States or the United Kingdom and all are reasonable men and women. Kuczynski is so reasonable that he commiserated with Barack Obama about the threat Donald Trump represented to Western Hemisphere “free trade.” If Trump wins in November, Kuczynski joked that he would take a “saw” to US-Peruvian relations and cut them off. Obama and Kuczynski each promised to do all they could to enact the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Peru’s economy is overwhelmingly based on resource extraction (gold, copper, and oil), and there is little hope for a coordinated, hemispheric-wide response to climate change without Lima’s cooperation. Judging from Kuczynski’s cabinet picks and his promise to enact policies to increase resource extraction by 25 percent, labor, community, and environmental struggles around mining and oil will escalate, glaciers will continue to melt, and the Amazon will turn to sludge and ash.
But he’s better than Keiko Fujimori. No doubt.
Meanwhile, back in the United States, we need to stop Donald Trump the way Peruvians stopped Keiko Fujimori. No doubt. Trump, like Fujimori père and fille, represent an existential threat to constitutional democracy. Adam Gopnik, in The New Yorker, sums up the need to support Clinton in terms very similar to the Peruvian left’s support of Kuczynski: “Hillary Clinton is an ordinary liberal politician. She has her faults, easily described, often documented…. No reasonable person, no matter how opposed to her politics, can believe for a second that Clinton’s accession to power would be a threat to the Constitution or the continuation of American democracy. No reasonable person can believe that Trump’s accession to power would not be.”
But reason also demands that we be honest about the ways in which the economic dislocation caused by Clintonism (that is, what the rest of the world calls neoliberalism) has set the stage for Donald in the United States, much as it did for Keiko in Peru. As secretary of state, Hillary Clinton was an active promoter of increased resource extraction in Latin America, pushing both fracking and the privatization of petroleum production. Were she to win in November, her relationship with Kuczynski would be strong.
Meanwhile, in Peru, the forces of fujimorismo were beat back but not vanquished. Fujimori’s party controls congress, and remains waiting in the wings.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
No comments:
Post a Comment