Finally arrived at dumb blonde male jokes:
Blonde men - FINALLY. Had to happen sooner or later..
A blonde man is in the bathroom, and his wife shouts: "Did you find the shampoo?"
He answers, “Yes, but I'm not sure what to do... it's for dry hair, and I've just wet mine.”
A blonde man spies a letter lying on his doormat. It says on the envelope "DO NOT BEND." He spends the next 2 hours trying to figure out how to pick it up.
A blonde man shouts frantically into the phone, "My wife is pregnant, and her contractions are only two minutes apart."
"Is this her first child?" asks the Doctor. "No! " he shouts, "this is her husband!"
A blonde man is in jail, the guard looks in his cell and sees him hanging by his feet. "Just WHAT are you doing?" he asks.
"Hanging myself," the blonde replies.
"The rope should be around your neck," says the guard. "I tried that," he replies, "but then I couldn't breathe."
An Italian tourist asks a blonde man: “Why do scuba divers always fall backward off their boats?”
To which the blonde man replies: "If they fell forward, they'd still be in the boat."
A friend told the blonde man: "Christmas is on a Friday this year."
The blonde man then said, "Let's hope it's not the 13th."
Two blonde men find three grenades, and they decide to take them to a police station. One asked: "What if one explodes before we get there?"
The other says: "We'll lie and say we only found two."
A woman phoned her blonde neighbor and said: "Close your curtains the next time you and your wife ar
To which the man replied: “Well the joke's on all of you because I wasn't even at home yesterday!”
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The Republican Party is going to have a fissure problem because:
a) Trump is popular among a loyal group that like his accomplishments and
are willing to ignore his personality but they do not number enough to win
the presidency because too many women focus on his personality and will not vote for him.
b) He will be too old in 2024 even though his is an A type personality.
c) The establishment wing of the party are simply warmed over Democrats and are the reason Trump was nominated and elected and they too cannot attract enough voters to win much of anything.
d) As long as McConnell remains the party's titular head the two factions will remain opposed to each other and cannot meld unlike Democrats who place winning above everything and are willing to swallow hard.
e) If Democrats can shove HR 1 down the nation's throat then Democrats will rule until they destroy America which should not take a long time. In one month Biden has done a good job of heading us down hill.
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The message from liberal Jews is always the same: Don't speak out, don't rock the boat, be meek. It is "The Ship of Fools " all over again.
Be timid and walk silently to the gas chambers but hold your head high.
I find it repulsive.
The issue is Biden not wanting to help Bibi, not a phone conversation
American presidents have tried and failed to influence elections in attempts to derail Netanyahu. If that’s what the president is considering, he should think again.
Most of those debating when President Joe Biden is going to finally pick up the phone and call Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are either overestimating or underestimating the significance of this kerfuffle. The point isn’t when the two leaders will chat or how insulted Netanyahu should be by the obvious snub. The real issue is what it portends for the relationship between the two nations over the next four years. It also relates to the temptation to which every past U.S. administration has succumbed: trying to intervene in Israeli politics.
On Tuesday, White House spokesperson Jen Psaki promised that the much-talked-about phone call would happen “soon.” As to when “soon” was, she told reporters to “stay tuned” and that the chat with the prime minister would be the first with any Middle East leader. Only last week, she wouldn’t say whether Israel was an ally when asked directly about it, but now describes the ties between the two countries by saying, “Israel is, of course, an ally. Israel is a country where we have an important strategic security relationship.”
That’s good news for those who feared that the absence of direct communication between the two leaders was a sign that the alliance was on the rocks. Or is it?
While not on the same scale as the message that former President Barack Obama sent Netanyahu when he chose to visit surrounding Arab countries but not Israel in 2009, making the prime minister wait his turn to speak with the new president was not an accident. After the uber-close relationship between Netanyahu and Trump, the White House wanted to make it clear to the Israeli leader that he understood that things are different now.
It’s true that the president is prioritizing domestic issues. It’s also true that it’s generally a good thing when Israel is not at the top of any president’s agenda. That often means that the Jewish state is under attack in one sense or another or because the United States is once again foolishly trying to “save Israel from itself.” Israel is always better off when it is left alone to deal with its problems in its own way without foreign interference.
But sooner or later, the White House will be “circling back” (to use Psaki’s ubiquitous catchphrase) to Israel, and that is bound to mean trouble.
That’s not just because the top Middle Eastern priority for the administration is trying to cajole Iran to make some sort of gesture that will allow Biden to bring the United States back into the dangerous 2015 nuclear deal that Trump rejected. The president’s foreign-policy team is filled with former Obama staffers and others who are from the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party who are more hostile to Israel and tilt towards the Palestinians. Even the allegedly pro-Israel moderates at Biden’s side, like Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, retain a strong animus against Netanyahu.
Obama and his inner circle despised the prime minister and resented his open opposition to their disastrous Iran deal, as well as their push for Israeli concessions to the Palestinians. Though Netanyahu likes to talk of his decades-long relationship with Biden, no one should mistake their connection for a genuine rapport. Biden has a politician’s proclivity for declaring himself friends with various people while doing all he could to defeat them. His idea of friendship for Israel has been warm in terms of rhetoric, though was always accompanied by a belief that he knew more about what was good for the Jewish state than the Jews.
All of which leads back to the one element of the phone call controversy that has been largely ignored. Netanyahu is once again seeking re-election next month in the fourth Israeli election in two years, which means that the one thing that Biden doesn’t want to do is anything that might conceivably help the prime minister win on March 23 and then manage to assemble a Knesset majority.
Like most Israelis, Biden has no idea what a post-Netanyahu government would look like or even if it’s a real possibility. Right now, polls show that Netanyahu may have a shot at a majority led by his Likud Party; however, a stalemate in which no one can form a government, much like the results of the last three elections, is equally possible.
That presents Biden with a temptation that may prove hard to resist. As opposed to Trump doing his best to boost Netanyahu with friendly gestures (recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan before the March 2019 vote and floating the idea of a mutual defense treaty before the September 2019 election), there’s little doubt that this administration would dearly love to kneecap the prime minister. But the problem they face is that anything that smacks of heavy-handed U.S. intervention will backfire and wind up helping him far more than Trump’s gestures did.
That was the bitter lesson Obama learned—or at least should have learned—after various attempts to undermine Netanyahu only strengthened the latter’s grip on power.
The Obama administration’s snit over the so-called insult dealt Biden by the announcement of building houses in Jerusalem while he was in the country in 2010 provided a huge boost to Netanyahu since that allowed him to pose as the defender of an Israeli consensus on the capital. The same thing happened after Obama’s attempt to make the 1967 armistice lines the starting point for future negotiations in 2011, which Netanyahu answered with an Oval Office lecture to the president that some of the president’s loyalists are still seething about. Nor did Netanyahu’s brazen opposition to the Iran deal hurt him at home even if it did anger Democrats.
Biden has been far more open about his desire to downgrade relations with Saudi Arabia. That’s bad news for Israel since the Saudis were a key component of Trump’s push for the Abraham Accords that normalized relations between a number of Arab states and Israel. American sniping at the Saudis helps Iran and should be seen as part of a U.S. strategy intended to woo Tehran. Direct American attacks on Netanyahu’s policies are likely to be put on hold until after the Israeli election or maybe until after the Palestinians hold a possible vote this spring, assuming that ever happens.
If Biden really does call Netanyahu soon, it will be because the White House has begun to think that it is overplaying its hand with the ongoing brushoff in a way that will help the prime minister, as opposed to putting him in his place. No matter when the phone rings, there’s no escaping the fact that any conceivable Israeli government that emerges from next month’s election is going to have a rough time with an administration determined to go back to appeasing Iran, as well as undercutting the Jewish state’s alliance with friendly Gulf states. It is on the Biden administration’s gestures towards Tehran—rather than its willingness to take shots at Netanyahu—that the future of the U.S.-Israel relationship depends.
Jonathan S. Tobin is editor in chief of JNS—Jewish News Syndicate. Follow him on Twitter at: @jonathans_tobin.
And:
Major Jewish groups split over Biden’s anti-Israel staffers
‘I’m actually frightened,’ says Morton Klein. This is surprising: Morton Klein is supposed to be fearless. He’s the president of the Zionist Organization of America, the largest conservative Jewish lobby group in the country. He’s an outspoken defender of Israel and the Jews. He’s a scourge of his enemies — and sometimes his friends too.
The Biden administration, Klein says, has made ‘the worst group of appointments to cabinet positions with respect to US-Israel relations ever’ and is ‘mainstreaming Jew-hatred’ at home. The goal, he contends, is to revive the Iran Deal despite the concerns of allies like Israel and Saudi Arabia, and radicalize the Democratic party through ‘Corbynization’.
So why aren’t the other major Jewish organizations also speaking out?
‘Let me tell you, I’ve been called by several Jewish leaders, demanding I stop criticizing Biden: “This is bad for the Jews. You’re getting [the administration] upset, you should not be doing this. So shut up!”’
‘I said to them, “Who the hell are you? Tell me?”’
‘You’ are most of the other 50 members in the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations. Founded in 1956, the Conference is a big-tent, bipartisan umbrella group. But it’s no longer clear that Jewish Americans can tolerate each other in the tent when to comes to domestic politics, or that bipartisanship, the holy grail of political influence, still exists when it comes to Israel.
Seventy percent of Jewish Americans voted for Joe Biden. The 30 percent who voted for Donald Trump are mostly composed of two minorities within a minority: Orthodox Jews, who constitute about an eighth of the community; and an overlapping constituency, the roughly one in four Jewish Americans whose votes can turn on a candidate’s positions on Israel.
Klein and the ZOA were almost alone among major Jewish American groups in consistently opposing the Oslo Accords and the ‘land for peace’ paradigm in the 1990s and the early 2000s. The bloody collapse of the ‘two-state solution’ vindicated Klein’s opposition to the institutional consensus — and suggests that his fellow leaders should listen to him. Still, the heads of two major Jewish organizations, he says, recently phoned to ask him to stop talking.
‘They said, “Mort, this harms our chances to be at the table. It harms our chances for the administration to call us, to ask our opinion.”’
‘I said, “These people they’re appointing, they don’t give a damn about your opinion.”’
As Klein comments on Biden’s appointments, you realize he might be right once again. The new secretary of state, Anthony Blinken, has ‘publicly said the IRGC, the Iranian terror group, should never have been put on [the State Department’s] terror list, because that would “provoke” Iran’. Robert Malley, the chief negotiator of the Iran Deal, is a ‘public, unabashed supporter of the mullahs, an unabashed supporter of Hamas’.
Not forgetting lesser luminaries like Maher Bitar, who used to be on the board of the racist Students for Justice in Palestine and is now the NSC’s senior director for intelligence programs. Or Hady Amr, who used to be national coordinator of the anti-Israel Middle East Justice Network, has written of being ‘inspired’ by the Palestinian intifada, and threatened vengeance after Israel assassinated a Hamas leader. Amr is now deputy assistant secretary of state for Israel-Palestine.
Klein alleges that the other Jewish organizations are covering for the Biden administration’s radicalism by calling its appointments ‘centrists’. This, he says, is ‘ridiculous’.
‘I talked yesterday to a major Jewish leader,’ Klein told me on Monday. ‘He said, “Mort, I talked to some of these people [in the Biden administration]. Don’t worry, everything’s going to be fine.” I said, “I’m as confident in that as an oncologist saying you have pancreatic cancer but don’t worry, it’ll be alright.”’
The winner of the Israeli elections in March — probably Benjamin Netanyahu, yet again — will face intense pressure to make strategic concessions on settlement construction and the Palestinians. The new Israeli prime minister will, as Netanyahu did in the Obama years, calculate that he can make limited concessions. But an Iranian nuclear weapon would be an existential threat to Israel — and Klein believes Netanyahu would be compelled to ‘fight back’.
That would place most of the major Jewish American organizations in a dilemma: oppose the Democrats, the party they support, or side with the Republicans, the party they have accused of ‘white supremacism’. That means a crisis in Jewish American politics and in the credibility of the major organizations. That crisis, Klein reckons, is what his peers are helping to create with their softly-softly approach.
Finally?
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Kim explains why Socialism is popular among the unthinking Millennials:
You may have noticed that socialism has become more and more fashionable among young Americans these days.
A recent poll showed that 70% of Millennials are either “somewhat likely” or “extremely likely” to vote for candidates with socialist positions. We have seen some of this in recent elections.
But I’ve often asked myself the question—why? Maybe you have to.
Kimberley Strassel of The Wall Street Journal addressed the resurgence of socialism at a Hillsdale College event not too long ago. I found the talk fascinating and thought you’d enjoy it.
In her talk, she cites several reasons why we’re seeing more and more Americans embracing socialist ideas, including ignorance of history among the young and desire for power by those in authority.
You can watch all of Kimberley Strassel’s talk for yourself here...she says it far more eloquently than I:
https://youtu.be/f0IaOh35N10?
You know that education is the surest defense of liberty.
That’s why I hope you’ll share the video with your family, friends, and colleagues. You can also easily post the link on your social media accounts.
I’ll send you even more helpful educational resources from Hillsdale—including links to free online courses, Imprimis articles, and other videos—throughout the coming months.
Thank you again for standing with us as we work to preserve liberty through education.
For liberty,
Bill Gray
Class of 2001
Associate Vice President of National Donor Outreach
Hillsdale College
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Bad policy equals bad results. Why is that so hard for liberals and politicians to understand?
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Who will tell Biden what, if anything, to do? Does he even know he has been tested?
Joe Biden Gets Tested in Iraq
The world is watching how he responds to an attack on U.S. forces.
By The Editorial Board
A roof damaged after a barrage of rockets hit near Erbil International Airport in Erbil, Iraq, Feb. 16.
Photo: azad lashkari/Reuters
Joe Biden has said his Presidency won’t be a third Obama term, and he’ll have plenty of opportunities to prove it. The latest comes after a rocket attack against the U.S.-led coalition in Erbil, Iraq.
“Initial reports indicate that the attacks killed one civilian contractor and injured several members of the Coalition, including one American service member and several American contractors,” Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Monday. He added that he had told the leader of Kurdistan’s regional government that Washington would help “to investigate and hold accountable those responsible.” America’s adversaries will be watching, especially in Tehran.
An investigation is under way, but it’s hard to believe a Shiite militia allied with Iran isn’t behind the attack. The group Awliya Al Dam, or Guardians of Blood, has claimed responsibility. U.S. and Iraqi officials say smaller organizations like this have been linked to better known Iranian proxies such as Kataib Hezbollah. SITE Intelligence Group, which tracks extremist groups’ online activity, reports that Awliya Al Dam has vowed more violence after the latest incident.
Iranian proxies launched several rocket attacks on U.S. and allied forces in 2019 and 2020. Their goal is to drive out the roughly 2,500 U.S. troops that assist the Iraqi military, provide intelligence against a return of Islamic State, and limit malign Iranian influence in the country. Retaliatory strikes won’t put a complete stop to such aggression, but the right retaliation can degrade the militias’ abilities. Inaction could invite more brazen attacks.
Before Donald Trump ordered the retaliatory attack on Iranian terror chief Qasem Soleimani in January 2020, many warned such a response would lead to a full-scale war. Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei tweeted that Mr. Trump “can’t do anything.” Mr. Biden doesn’t need to escalate to Mr. Trump’s level, but it’s worth reminding Tehran that he isn’t Barack Obama —and the U.S. can do something.
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