Thursday, October 20, 2022

Youth Mental Crisis. Missed WSJ's. Hanson Regarding Election Results. Historic Agreement. Ross Rant.


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WSJ Editorials missed during holidays.
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Inflation and the Midterm Elections
The main legacy of the 117th Congress is a decline in living standards.
By The Editorial Board

So much for the hope that inflation, once unleashed, would be easy to reduce. That mirage vanished Thursday with the September report that showed a rebound in prices from July and August. The Federal Reserve has a lot more monetary tightening to do.

The consumer-price index rose 0.4% in September, after two flat months owing largely to falling energy prices. Gasoline prices kept falling in September, but the decline was swamped by rising prices for other goods and services. The 12-month price rise stayed at a very high 8.2%.

Food kept rising at a 0.8% clip, or 11.2% over 12 months—unless you eat at home, where you paid 13% more. The worst news is that the so-called core index that excludes food and energy hit a 40-year high, rising 6.6% over the past 12 months. Service prices (less energy services) accelerated and are up 6.7% in a year.

Prices rose sharply last month for car rentals (2.5%), health insurance (2.1%), vehicle repair and maintenance (1.9%), and airline fares (0.8%). Americans can save money by not traveling—at least until the holidays—but most can’t afford to go without health insurance or a car if their current jalopy breaks down.

Shelter costs are also driving the core index, with owners’ equivalent rent up 6.7% in a year, the largest annual increase ever. The shelter measure usually lags increases in home prices and rents, which soared coming out of the pandemic. The Fed’s interest-rate increases have started to cool the housing market in some cities, and the question is how fast this will roll into the CPI calculation. The average fixed 30-year mortgage rate hit a new 20-year high of 6.92% Thursday, which will price more buyers out of the market.

The important point for the Fed is that inflation has become entrenched across much of the economy. Even if it has peaked, the breadth of the price increases will take time and tighter money to reduce. This raises the risk of recession or some financial accident from misplaced investment bets during the fantasy years when Modern Monetary Theory was in vogue.

Workers are now paying the price for inflation, as a separate Labor Department report showed that real wages have declined in nine of the last 12 months, and 3% overall. (See the nearby chart.)


Sept. 2021
Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
Jan. '22
Feb.
March
April
May
June
July
Aug.
Sept.
-1.00
-0.75
-0.50
-0.25
0
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0.50
0.75
1.00
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The report will have political ramifications, or at least it should. President Biden put a happy face on the news, claiming in a statement that “today’s report shows some progress in the fight against higher prices.” You can’t drive your car on “some progress” and, judging by the spike in Treasury yields on Thursday, the bond market didn’t agree with him.

Mr. Biden also said the cost of living has been a longstanding problem. But consumer prices never rose by more than 3% a year in the decade before he became President. Wages after inflation have now fallen more since he took office—4.3%—than they did during the financial crisis of the late 2000s.

Americans can blame inflation on Congress’s Covid spending blowouts, including the bipartisan $900 billion in December 2020 and Democrats’ $1.9 trillion in March 2021. Most of that went to transfer payments even as the economy was already recovering smartly from the pandemic lockdowns. The Fed was also too slow to tighten despite evidence that inflation wasn’t transitory.

The Fed is now trying to squeeze demand—that is, reduce consumer and business spending—and the President could help mitigate the economic pain with regulatory and fiscal policies that boost supply. But he’s doing the opposite, signing a corporate tax increase and imposing new regulatory burdens on business that create uncertainty and will discourage hiring. A case in point is this week’s rewrite of the independent contractor rule.

He could also help bring down energy prices by encouraging more U.S. oil and gas production. Instead he’s seeking to ease sanctions on Iran and Venezuela and begging OPEC to pump more. If Donald Trump had asked the Saudis to delay a cut in oil production until after the midterms, as the Journal reports Mr. Biden did, Democrats would have accused him of inviting foreign election interference.

Democrats understandably want to make the election about Mr. Trump and abortion. But the main legacy of this Congress is the return of a virulent inflation that has punished Americans of every class and region. The election deserves to be a referendum on that record.

Appeared in the October 14, 2022, print edition as 'Inflation and the Election'.
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Stanford Apologizes to Jews
Will Harvard have to apologize to Asian-Americans in 70 years?
By The Editorial Board

It’s a little late—70 years or so—but Stanford University formally apologized this week for discriminating against Jewish applicants in the mid-20th century. Like all such apologies for things done by people long since dead, it is a cost-free gesture. That points to a missed opportunity, because even a little self-reflection would reveal much in 21st-century academe that will one day look as repellent as the earlier bias against Jews.

The report from the advisory task force on the history of Jewish admissions and experience at Stanford makes for interesting reading. It states that—after extensive investigation—it found evidence “of actions taken to suppress the number of Jewish students admitted to Stanford during the early 1950s.” It also found that “members of the Stanford administration regularly misled parents” and others who “raised concerns about those actions.”

We’re glad to see a university come clean. The report also includes good ideas for campus life today—from not opening the school year on Jewish holy days to combatting anti-Semitism on campus—though we hope the vague language will lead to action and not another diversity training session. But the apology would be a great deal stronger if Stanford and other schools could acknowledge a culture on campus so hostile to Israel that Jews who won’t denounce the Jewish state can face harassment.

The most glaring absence in the report is any acknowledgment that the old discrimination against Jews has been replaced on many elite campuses by the new discrimination against Asian-Americans. Later this month the Supreme Court will hear cases about the use of race by Harvard and the University of North Carolina to limit the admission of otherwise qualified Asian-Americans.

And who is backing Harvard and North Carolina? None other than Stanford, which submitted an amicus brief supporting their race discrimination in the name of diversity. We look forward to Stanford’s apology for that. Based on precedent, we can expect it in 2092.
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What the Jan. 6 Hearings Accomplished
A subpoena to Trump gets the headlines, but its work is mostly done.
By The Editorial Board

The House Jan. 6 committee voted 9-0 on Thursday to subpoena former President Trump, but the clock is ticking. If Republicans take the House, they’ll shut down the inquiry posthaste in early January. If he wants to avoid the hot seat, Mr. Trump only needs to find a way to resist the subpoena until then.

Rep. Liz Cheney justified an extraordinary subpoena to a former President by saying that “more than 30 witnesses in our investigation have invoked their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.” They include John Eastman, who told Mr. Trump that Vice President Mike Pence could derail the Electoral College count, as well as Jeffrey Clark, who tried to get the Justice Department to legitimize dubious fraud claims.

White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has refused to testify. Outside adviser Steve Bannon also refused and was convicted of contempt of Congress, for which he’ll soon be sentenced.

Getting direct evidence of Mr. Trump’s action—and inaction—was always going to be a challenge. There is no evidence so far that Mr. Trump was communicating or coordinating with the Proud Boys or other nefarious elements in the runup to Jan. 6. On Thursday the committee played video of foolish talk by Roger Stone, another Trump flunkie who also took the Fifth. “I say f— the voting, let’s get right to the violence,” Mr. Stone said on Nov. 2, which was the day before the election.

What the committee has accomplished, however, is to cement the facts surrounding Mr. Trump’s recklessness after Nov. 3 and his dereliction of duty on Jan. 6. The Justice Department and Mr. Trump’s own campaign repeatedly told him that his fraud claims were without basis. Whether it was willful blindness or an intentional strategy, he kept repeating them.

In testimony played Thursday, former White House Communications Director Alyssa Farah Griffin said that about a week after Joe Biden was declared the winner, “I popped into the Oval just to, like, give the President the headlines and see how he was doing, and he was looking at the TV, and he said, ‘Can you believe I lost to this effing guy?’” Yet Mr. Trump still pressured Mr. Pence to stop the Electoral College count, while calling for a Jan. 6 rally that he tweeted “will be wild!”

That day he riled up the crowd and urged it to march on the Capitol. Mr. Trump allegedly intended to go there himself, if the Secret Service hadn’t refused. Then he watched the riot on TV. Another striking video Thursday was a question the committee put to his White House counsel, Pat Cipollone: “When you were in the dining room in these discussions, was the violence at the Capitol visible on the screen, on the television?” His reply: “Yes.”

Committee members said Thursday they will write a report summarizing their findings. Transcripts of the testimony ought to be released at the same time, so that posterity can see what Mr. Cipollone and others said in full. Ditto for the documents gathered. The committee’s credibility has suffered without GOP cross-examination of the witnesses. And the way that the committee selectively leaked Ginni Thomas’s text messages was outrageous, and appeared to be an effort to discredit her husband, Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.

The Jan. 6 committee probably won’t get Mr. Trump under oath, but the evidence of his bad behavior is now so convincing that political accountability hardly requires it.
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Virtually impossible for conservative action to get a positive verdict in DC.  Durham at least was able to reveal certain facts that portrayed FBI corruption;
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Durham’s FBI Indictment. His prosecutions put the bureau on trial for partisanship and incompetence.
By Kimberley A. Strassel


Special counsel John Durham stepped into a federal courtroom this week, officially to try Igor Danchenko for lying to the FBI as part of the 2016 Russia-collusion scam. Unofficially, Mr. Durham is putting the Federal Bureau of Investigation itself on trial for incompetence and political chicanery.

That’s the now unmistakable mission of the Durham prosecutions. The special counsel is using tried-and-true “lying to the feds” charges to unravel for the public the hoax—which on its face requires painting the FBI as dupes. Yet every filing and witness question is instead building Mr. Durham’s case of rank FBI malfeasance.

Mr. Danchenko pleaded not guilty. His trial—and prior to it Mr. Durham’s unsuccessful prosecution of Democratic lawyer Michael Sussmann—has by now yielded a scandalous portrait of an FBI willing to take nearly any step—and cut any corner—to harm Donald Trump:

The FBI commenced its ugly path on July 31, 2016, when it opened its Crossfire Hurricane investigation into whether Mr. Trump’s campaign was colluding with Russia—based on uninformed hearsay from a low-level aide named George Papadopoulos. It also began receiving reports from British former spy Christopher Steele—a “dossier” containing allegations so surreal as to defy logic.

The FBI rushed to meet with Mr. Steele in early October 2016. It had undertaken no due diligence on its source and had been unable to verify a single dossier claim (and never would). At that meeting it nonetheless took the astonishing step of offering Mr. Steele “up to $1 million” in taxpayer dollars to legitimize his own information. (Usually, the FBI pays another party to verify a source report.)

Mr. Steele was still unable to verify anything; he initially even refused to tell the FBI the names of his sources. FBI Supervisory Analyst Brian Auten admitted to the court this week that while the bureau had zero confirmation of any dossier details, it made the document’s claims central to an Oct. 21, 2016, application for a secret surveillance warrant against former Trump campaign official Carter Page.

It did so despite knowing that Mr. Steele was in the employ of opposition-research firm Fusion GPS, itself paid by the Clinton campaign—a fact so damning the FBI cloaked it in a convoluted footnote to its application. It proceeded despite suspecting (and later confirming) that Mr. Steele was blabbing to the press on behalf of the Clinton campaign—breaking FBI source rules. Early drafts of the Page application blamed a press leak on Mr. Steele, but the FBI ultimately stripped out that crucial info—even as it vouched that Mr. Steele was “reliable.” The FBI also omitted exculpatory evidence, including that Mr. Page worked as a contact for another U.S. intelligence agency for years. The Justice Department inspector general ultimately documented 17 significant omissions and inaccuracies in the application, most of which happened to work in the FBI’s favor.

The FBI didn’t bother to interview Mr. Steele’s primary source, Mr. Danchenko, until January 2017. Never mind that the bureau had itself opened a counterintelligence investigation into Mr. Danchenko in 2009 on concerns he was a national security threat (it was closed in 2011 when the FBI believed he’d left the country). Mr. Danchenko further undermined the dossier starting in January 2017. He said Mr. Steele had misstated or exaggerated many of his statements, that he had no proof of the claims, and that it was “hearsay,” the kind of conversation he “had with friends over beers,” according to the inspector general’s report.

The FBI kept quiet that its source had debunked his own work product—and instead used dossier info to renew the Page surveillance warrant three more times. It rewarded Mr. Danchenko in March 2017 by putting him on the payroll as a confidential human source, where he stayed until October of 2020.

While Mr. Durham presents evidence Mr. Danchenko lied to FBI handlers, there is as much evidence the FBI closed its eyes to glaring problems in his story. One example: According to a prosecution filing, Mr. Danchenko told the FBI that businessman Sergei Millian called him in late July 2016 to confirm a sensational claim about Mr. Trump and prostitutes in a Moscow hotel. Yet Mr. Danchenko reported this confirmation to Mr. Steele in June 2016—a month before the supposed call. Mr. Durham says he will present evidence that there never was such a call. Mr. Auten admitted this week that the FBI never checked Mr. Danchenko’s claims by reviewing call logs or travel records.

Even as its dossier went up in flames in early 2017, former FBI Director James Comey schemed for the media to publish the document. The FBI used what it knew was an evidence-free fog of collusion as an excuse to entrap national security adviser Michael Flynn. It sat mute as collusion claims pressured Attorney General Jeff Sessions to recuse himself and as Mr. Comey arranged for Robert Mueller to run a 22-month probe into bogus accusations—a probe that in retrospect looks to have been launched to whitewash the FBI’s actions.

Partisanship and incompetence aren’t crimes, so the FBI isn’t in the dock. But Mr. Durham is making the case for the public—and it’s as ugly as they come.
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Obama Warned Us About Joe
The White House offers Democrats nothing good to say on the big issues.
By William McGurn


On the eve of the 2020 Iowa caucuses, Politico lobbed a grenade in Joe Biden’s direction. It was a story noting that the former vice president was trying to play the Obama card—even though Barack Obama hadn’t endorsed the man who had served him faithfully for eight years. The money quote was cutting: “Don’t underestimate Joe’s ability to [expletive] things up.”

With three weeks to go to the Nov. 8 midterms, many vulnerable Democratic candidates are no doubt thinking the same thing. It isn’t only that President Biden’s policies aren’t working. It’s that he continues to insist they are—against the everyday experience of ordinary Americans.

In an Oct. 11 CNN interview, Mr. Biden again suggested that if there is a problem, it is the failure to appreciate just how great he has been. “Name me a president, in recent history, who’s gotten as much done, as I have, in the first two years,” he said. “Not a joke. You may not like what I got done. But the vast majority of the American people do like what I got done.”

His approval ratings—and the reluctance of Democratic candidates to appear with him in public—say otherwise.

In Los Angeles on Thursday Mr. Biden claimed he was making “some progress” against inflation, even as the latest figures showed consumer prices were up 8.2% over last year. He made a similar claim when he told us that in July we had zero inflation for the month, while ignoring that prices were up 8.5% over the previous July, a near 40-year high.

Mr. Biden’s statements reflect a popular Beltway belief that with the right messaging, unpleasant reality simply vanishes. Call $740 billion in green spending the Inflation Reduction Act and—voilĂ !—you’re defeating inflation. Or boast that you have more accomplishments than any other president two years in and somehow voters will forget that your No. 1 achievement is, as this newspaper has said, a decline in the living standards of the American people.

Which points to the challenge for Democratic candidates. All midterm elections are referendums on the president. But this year Democrats are particularly vulnerable because the Biden White House, on the issues that voters care most about, gives them nothing believable to say.

Some Democratic elders have sounded the alarm. On Friday Mr. Obama said too many Democrats were still reacting to Donald Trump and that the woke approach to politics leaves Democrats coming across as “buzzkills.”

Others cautioned about thinking abortion trumps all other issues. Former Clinton adviser James Carville told the Associated Press abortion is “a good issue” but warned that “if you just sit there and they’re pummeling you on crime and pummeling you on the cost of living, you’ve got to be more aggressive than just yelling abortion every other word.”

Two-time contender for the Democratic nomination Sen. Bernie Sanders and former Obama adviser David Axelrod have echoed these themes. Of course they are right—but only up to a point. The reason Democratic candidates talk about Trump and abortion is that they don’t have anything good to say on crime or the cost of living. And they don’t have anything good to say because President Biden largely adopted the Sanders agenda, and they all voted for it.

The best example of Democratic incoherence is White House spokeswoman Karine Jean-Pierre. When asked to answer yes or no whether President Biden thinks big cities are safe, this is how she answered: “It is not a yes-or-no question. It is very much a question of what has he done . . . to make sure that cities . . . have the funding and have what they need to protect their community, and that is what the president has done.”

When asked if the president deserves the blame for gasoline prices going up since he had claimed credit when they were going down, she said, “So it’s a lot more nuanced than that.”

Ditto for the border. Every day American TV screens are filled with images of people crossing the border, and then arriving in some U.S. city courtesy of a Greg Abbott bus or one of Mr. Biden’s midnight flights. Yet the border czar, Vice President Kamala Harris, tells us the border is secure, and anyway it’s Mr. Trump’s fault. Anyone think these answers persuade voters in a tight race?

It didn’t have to be this way. Upon winning the election, Mr. Biden said it was time to “stop treating our opponents as our enemy” and “to rebuild the backbone of the nation—the middle class.” They were exactly the right words and right priorities. But instead of delivering on them, he has called half of Americans semi-fascists and launched a spending spree designed to reshape America radically. And he did it in part because he wanted to prove to the world (and especially to the Obama people who had always condescended to him) that he would be a more transformational president than his former boss.

Which brings us back to Mr. Obama’s 2020 assessment of Joe. How right he was.
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What I have been saying/writing about on a consistent basis:
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The U.S. Military’s Growing Weakness
A new Heritage Foundation report warns about declining U.S. naval and air power.
By The Editorial Board

Americans like to think their military is unbeatable if politicians wouldn’t get in the way. The truth is that U.S. hard power isn’t what it used to be. That’s the message of the Heritage Foundation’s 2023 Index of U.S. Military Strength, which is reported here for the first time and describes a worrisome trend.

Heritage rates the U.S. military as “weak” and “at growing risk of not being able to meet the demands of defending America’s vital national interests.” The weak rating, down from “marginal” a year earlier, is the first in the index’s nine-year history.

The index measures the military’s ability to prevail in two major regional conflicts at once—say, a conflict in the Middle East and a fight on the Korean peninsula. Americans might wish “that the world be a simpler, less threatening place,” as the report notes. But these commitments are part of U.S. national-security strategy.

Heritage says the U.S. military risks being unable to handle even “a single major regional conflict” as it also tries to deter rogues elsewhere. The Trump Administration’s one-time cash infusion has dried up. Pentagon budgets aren’t keeping up with inflation, and the branches are having to make trade-offs about whether to be modern, large, or ready to fight tonight. The decline is especially acute in the Navy and Air Force.

The Navy has been saying for years it needs to grow to at least 350 ships, plus more unmanned platforms. Yet the Navy has shown a “persistent inability to arrest and reverse the continued diminution of its fleet,” the report says. By one analysis it has under-delivered on shipbuilding plans by 10 ships a year on average over the past five years.

From 2005 to 2020, the U.S. fleet grew to 296 warships from 291, while China’s navy grew to 360 from 216. War isn’t won on numbers alone, but China is also narrowing the U.S. technological advantage in every area from aircraft carrier catapults to long-range missiles

The Navy wants to build three Virginia-class submarines a year, and the U.S. still has an edge over Beijing in these fast-attack boats. But the shipbuilding industry has shrunk amid waning demand, and the Navy’s maintenance yards are overwhelmed. Maintenance delays and backlogs are the result of running the fleet too hard: On a typical day in June, roughly one-third of the 298-ship fleet was deployed, double the average of the Cold War.

It’s worse in the Air Force, which gets a “very weak” rating. Aging “aircraft and very poor pilot training and retention” have produced an Air Force that “would struggle greatly against a peer competitor,” Heritage says.

The fighter and bomber forces are contracting to about 40% of what America had in the 1980s. The service has been slowing its F-35 buys even as it needs modern planes to compensate for the smaller fleet. Aircraft have low mission-capable rates, roughly 50% for the F-22. Heritage says the Air Force has “abandoned even the illusion” that it is working toward an 80% aircraft readiness goal. Munitions inventories “probably would not support a peer-level fight that lasted more than a few weeks,” and replacements can take 24 to 36 months to arrive.

A pilot shortage “continues to plague the service,” and the “current generation of fighter pilots, those who have been actively flying for the past seven years, has never experienced a healthy rate of operational flying.” Fighter pilots flew a meager 10 hours a month on average in 2021, up from 8.7 in 2020 but still far below the 200 hours a year minimum needed to be proficient against a formidable opponent.

The story isn’t much better for the Army, which has lost $59 billion in buying power since 2018 due to flat budgets and inflation. The Army is shrinking not as a choice about priorities but because it can’t recruit enough soldiers—nearly 20,000 short in fiscal 2022.

The Marines scored better in the index as the only branch articulating and executing a plan to change, reorganizing for a war in the Pacific in a concept known as Force Design 2030. But the Marines are slimming down to a bare-bones 21 infantry battalions, from 27 as recently as 2011. Mission success for the Marines depends on a new amphibious ship that the Navy may not be able to deliver.

Some will call all this alarmist and ask why the Pentagon can’t do better on an $800 billion budget. The latter is a fair question and the answer requires procurement and other changes. But the U.S. will also have to spend more on defense if it wants to protect its interests and the homeland. The U.S. is spending about 3% of GDP now compared to 5%-6% in the 1980s. The Heritage report is a warning that you can’t deter war, much less win one, on the cheap.
 
Finally:
   
The U.S. Isn’t Ready to Face China on the Battlefield
The invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated critical deficiencies in America’s defense industrial base.
By Seth G. Jones

The Biden administration is doubling down on its recognition of China as America’s main competitor. The recently released National Security Strategy and the soon-to-be-released National Defense Strategy—Congress has already received a version of the latter—conclude that China poses the most significant threat to the U.S. What administration officials haven’t said, however, is that the U.S. isn’t fully prepared to fight a major war against China.

The war in Ukraine has exposed deficiencies in America’s defense industrial base that could jeopardize the ability to fight a war with China. The capabilities for fighting are also essential for deterring China. Washington’s assistance to Ukraine has depleted U.S. stocks of some weapons systems and munitions, such as Stinger surface-to-air missile systems, M777 howitzers, 155mm ammunition, and Javelin antitank missile systems.

These challenges highlight an even more serious concern: The U.S. defense industrial base is inadequately prepared for the wartime environment that now exists. It is operating in a peacetime environment. In a major regional conflict—such as a war with China in the Taiwan Strait—U.S. munitions needs likely would exceed Pentagon plans and stockpiles.

In nearly two dozen iterations of a Center for Strategic and International Studies war game that examined a U.S.-China war in the Taiwan Strait, the U.S. expended all its joint air-to-surface standoff missiles and long-range precision-guided antiship missiles within the first week of the conflict. These missiles are critical because of their ability to strike Chinese naval forces from outside Chinese defenses.

The U.S. is not the only country facing this challenge. In a recent war game involving U.S., U.K. and French forces, the U.K.’s Third Division exhausted national stockpiles of critical munitions in just over a week.

Solving these problems will take time.

Defense companies are generally unwilling to take financial risks without contracts in place, including multiyear contracts. While the U.S. Defense Department signs multiyear contracts for ships and airplanes, it generally does not sign multiyear contracts for munitions. This risk aversion is compounded if companies have to make additional capital investments, especially brick-and-mortar ones.

There are also workforce and supply-chain constraints on increased demand for weapons systems and munitions required for one or more major wars. Companies need to hire, train, and retain workers. Supply chains for the U.S. defense sector are also not as secure as they should be, with some businesses shutting down or moving supply chains overseas—sometimes to unfriendly countries.

In other cases, there aren’t alternative sources for key weapons systems and munitions. The Javelin, for instance, relies on a rocket motor without a major secondary option. There are also significant vulnerabilities with some rare-earth metals, on which China has a near monopoly; other elements such as titanium and aluminum; semiconductors and other microelectronics.

Finally, time is a major constraint. It can take roughly two years to produce some types of missiles and systems, such as the Patriot Advanced Capability PAC-2/PAC-3 air- and missile-defense system, Tomahawk V, air-launched cruise missile, and long-range precision strike missile. These lead times are generally to deliver the first missiles—not the last ones. Filling inventories requires sustained multiyear investment. Brick-and-mortar investments for factories take even longer.

These challenges don’t have quick or easy solutions. That means we have to begin now. One step is for the Pentagon to reassess total munition requirements for one or more major wars. This might include modeling the expenditure rates of critical guided munitions among land, naval and air forces in a major conflict at various levels of intensity.

The Pentagon also needs to focus on targeted investments in key munitions and weapons systems, such as long-range precision strike and integrated air and missile defenses. These investments should include signing multiyear contracts.

During World War II, U.S. and allied defense industrial production was essential to defeating both Germany and Japan. But it didn’t happen overnight. If the U.S. is serious about competing with China, it needs to put its money where its mouth is. The defense industrial base is a critical place to start.

Mr. Jones is senior vice president and director of the International Security Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and author, most recently, of “Three Dangerous Men: Russia, China, Iran and the Rise of Irregular Warfare.”
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Who Denies Election Results?
There is nothing “unprecedented” about challenging election results. And for Democrats, there’s nothing unprecedented in trying to manipulate them.
By Victor Davis Hanson


A Democratic myth has arisen that Donald Trump’s denial of the accuracy of the 2020 vote was “unprecedented.”

Unfortunately, the history of U.S. elections is often a story of both legitimate and illegitimate election denialism. 

The 1800, 1824, 1876, and 1960 elections were all understandably questioned. In some of these cases, a partisan House of Representatives decided the winner.  

Presidential candidate Al Gore in 2000 did not accept the popular vote results in Florida. He spent five weeks futilely contesting the state’s tally—until recounts and the Supreme Court certified it. 

The ensuing charge that George W. Bush was “selected not elected” was the Democrats’ denialist mantra for years.

In 2004, Senator Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) and 31 Democratic House members voted not to certify the Ohio election results in their unhinged efforts to overturn the election. Those denialists included the current sanctimonious chairman of the January 6 select committee, U.S. Representative Benny Thompson (D-Miss). 

After 2016, crackpot Democratic orthodoxy for years insisted that Donald Trump had “colluded” with Russia to “steal” certain victory from Hillary Clinton. 

Clinton herself claimed that Trump was not a “legitimate” president. No wonder she loudly joined #TheResistance to obstruct his presidency. 

The serial denialist Clinton later urged Joe Biden not to concede the 2020 election if he lost.  

Also after 2016, left-wing third-party candidate and denialist Jill Stein vainly sued in courts to disqualify voting machine results in preselected states. 

A denialist host of Hollywood C-list actors in 2016 cut television commercials begging members of the Electoral College to violate their oaths and instead flip the election to Hillary Clinton. 

Clinton herself had hired foreign national Christopher Steele to concoct a dossier of untruths to smear her 2016 campaign opponent, Donald Trump. 

The FBI took up Clinton’s failed efforts. It likewise paid in vain her ancillaries like Christopher Steele to “verify” the dossier’s lies. 

The bureau further misled a FISA court about the dossier’s authenticity. An FBI lawyer even altered a document, as part of a government effort to disrupt a presidential transition and presidency. 

The Clinton-FBI Russian-collusion hoax was a small part of the progressive effort to warp the 2016 election result. 

The Washington Post giddily bragged about various groups formed to impeach Trump in his first days in office, on the pretext he was illegitimately elected.

Rosa Brooks, an Obama Administration Pentagon lawyer, less than two weeks after Trump’s inauguration wrote a long denialist essay in Foreign Policy outlining a strategy to remove the supposedly illegitimate president. She discussed the options of impeachment, the 25th Amendment—and even a military coup. 

When rioting exploded in the streets of Washington D.C. after the election results became clear, Madonna infamously shouted to a mass crowd that she dreamed of blowing up the White House, presumably with the Trump family in it. 

Was that not the most violent form of election denialism?

The election denialist Stacey Abrams became a media heartthrob and left-wing cult hero. Abrams monetized her ridiculous denialism (“voter suppression”) by stumping the country from 2018 to 2021 claiming, without evidence, that the 2018 the Georgia gubernatorial election was rigged. In truth, she lost by over 50,000 votes.

Time magazine’s Molly Ball in a triumphalist essay bragged that in 2020 a combination of Big Tech money from Silicon Valley—fueled by Mark Zuckerberg’s $419 million infusion—absorbed the balloting collection and counting of several key voting precincts weighed to help Joe Biden.

Ball bragged of careful pre-election censoring of the contemporary news by Big Tech. Most notably, that effort spread the lie that the Hunter Biden laptop scandal was “Russian disinformation.” 

Left-wing interest groups modulated the often-violent Black Lives Matter and Antifa street protests of 2020 in efforts to aid the Biden campaign. 

Ball summed up that left-wing election engineering effort as “a conspiracy unfolding behind the scenes” and called it “the secret history of the 2020 election.”

So, who exactly were those “secret” warpers of the 2020 election? 

As Ball put it: “A well-funded cabal of powerful people, ranging across industries and ideologies, working together behind the scenes to influence perceptions, change rules and laws, steer media coverage and control the flow of information.” 

It is entirely legitimate to question the probity and legality of those systematic left-wing efforts in key states to overturn long-standing voting laws passed by state legislatures. 

Then followed an even larger effort to render Election Day a mere construct for the first time in American history. Over 100 million ballots were not cast on Election Day, the vast majority of them (and by design) Biden votes. Somehow customary ballot disqualification rates of mail-in ballots in some states plunged—even as their numbers exploded.

The scariest form of election interference was the 2020 “cabal.” The FBI, Silicon Valley, street protestors, and the media all conspired to work for the “right result.” 

Apparently, that “conspiracy” was the denialists’ response to the 2016 victory of Donald Trump that they never accepted.

Victor Davis Hanson is a distinguished fellow of the Center for American Greatness and the Martin and Illie Anderson Senior Fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. He is an American military historian, columnist, a former classics professor, and scholar of ancient warfare. He has been a visiting professor at Hillsdale College since 2004. Hanson was awarded the National Humanities Medal in 2007 by President George W. Bush. Hanson is also a farmer (growing raisin grapes on a family farm in Selma, California) and a critic of social trends related to farming and agrarianism. He is the author most recently of The Second World Wars: How the First Global Conflict Was Fought and Won, The Case for Trump and the newly released The Dying Citizen.
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Israel Signs Historic Agricultural Agreement with Bahrain

By TPS, 10/20/22

Israel’s Agriculture Minister Oded Forer and his Bahraini counterpart, H.E. Wael Bin Nasser Al Mubarak, signed a declaration of agricultural cooperation during the International Summit on Food Technologies from the Sea and the Desert currently taking place in Eilat.

This marks yet another step forward in Israel’s warming relationship with the Arab world since the signing of the Abraham Accords in 2020. Bahrain, along with the UAE, was one of the first two Arab nations to join the Accords. They were later joined by the African nations of Morocco and Sudan.

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The Ross Rant™ ©Joel Ross 2022


The crisis in UK with the pension funds was just a warm up to what might come over the next year. The BOE may have successfully bailed out the pension funds from collapse, but the UK economy is still in deep trouble, as are the pension funds, which now have no way to meet their liabilities. Their bond holdings are now down in value, and there is nil hope the losses can be recouped as interest rates are now going to remain higher than the yields of the bonds when purchased. This problem also exists in US pension funds, and very possibly in bond funds. Rates are never going back to the ultra-low levels they had been at over last year, and so the losses are essentially permanent until maturity payoff. We have known for years that pension funds represent a pending time bomb in the US, as they have rarely ever met the return hurdles they need to meet the exceptionally large payout obligations of defined benefit plans, which is mainly government plans that were never converted to 401K. Since they were required to own an allocation of bonds, as it was foolishly believed these were safe, they are well under water now as rates rise. Not only have they been shown to not be safe in value before maturity, but they are now in a material loss position in many cases. One of these days a bailout for pension funds will be demanded in Congress. Almost all remaining pension funds are government employees and teachers, so it will be the taxpayers who will be called on to fund the bailout. The teachers’ union fund being one of the worst.


Core inflation rose by a record amount in September at 6.6%. Gas is now rising again, and services costs are way up due to rising wages. Food continues to rise at a .8% rate in September. Eating at home cost 13^% more than one year ago. Real wages have fallen faster under Biden than during the 2008 crash. Poverty has risen. Now there is a new corporate tax and new costly regs for many industries, with many more coming. You could not create a more economy destructive policy set if you tried. Inflation has not yet peaked, and could end the year still around 7.5%, or higher, with Fed Funds at 5%. Q1 will not be good. There is nothing predictable right now. Stay conservative in your financial affairs.


In case you wondered why the market suddenly shot up on Thursday, it had nothing to do with fundamentals, all of which are very negative. There had been a rush to buy puts as the investors, almost unanimously, finally had realized the economy is getting worse, and inflation is not going down, and the stock market is going down further. The volume of puts was far out of the ordinary. The computers running portfolios for hedge funds noted this and concluded it was time to put the squeeze on these puts, and the shorts. The computers generated buy orders, and then the race was on to cover the shorts, thus the market shot up. It had nothing at all to do with a real market recovery, nor any real belief the Fed is going to stop soon. Thus, Friday was back down. And down we go from here. This is not yet a buy opportunity. We are not at the bottom.


China is not ending the zero Covid policy. They continue to shut down new cities as they open others. This is top government policy. Result is, China will continue to suffer economic slowdown for several more months at least, and potentially well into 2023 before normal returns. . That means demand for commodities from emerging markets will remain constrained as will Chinese demand for oil in the short run. There is no possible way the RMB will ever be a reserve currency, so forget that idea. The US dollar will remain supreme. China does not have the transparent legal system to be the reserve currency. Nobody trusts them. Xi will get his dictator for life election next week. The question then is, does he have true total control, or do the reformers, who do exist, have the ability to influence policy. That is yet to be seen. There may come a time in the next 2-3 years where China finds it needs to devalue the RMB in order to remain competitive. In the meantime, while Biden screws up foreign policy, China is using its substantial pool of foreign reserves to gain influence throughout Africa and S America. The US is busy wasting money on climate and other entitlement spending, while China builds a formidable military, and buys influence all across the world. Biden is digging us into a future bigger problem with China. Here is one more place that the climate obsession is doing grave national security harm by diverting precious funds from defense and foreign aid projects that buy influence.


As a result of all the chaos now happening in world financial markets, the USD is the only safe place left. Capital will continue to flow into the US markets, but for now may sit idle, but in dollars. The capital has to have been somewhere else, so those weaker countries will see an outflow of capital which will weaken their currencies which are already weaker from the rise in the US dollar. They will be using their reserves to try to maintain the value of their currencies, but it may be a losing proposition for many as the dollar continues to rise as the Fed raises rates. The defaults will begin next year, and potentially could cause a financial crisis. Credit Suisse, UBS and SocGen are all considered to be at risk based on the CDS market for those banks. The IMF has just begun to issue warnings about this risk. That means it is real, and may not be far away.


The flood of capital into the US as the safe haven is a good thing for the stock market as at some point that money will get invested here. The 2year is likely to become a place where money gets invested while waiting for things to settle down. It is likely to hit 4.75% soon, which is a good entry point. The 2 year is a good barometer for where the Fed is headed. The result of the rush into the US, and out of the EU, may one day cause the Euro to falter or collapse, and be the financial crisis I have been warning about. That is very unlikely, but not out of the realm of possible. You need to keep in mind that the Euro is used by numerous nations, but they all have their own cultures and national interests to protect. Germany has very different issues than Italy or Spain. In times of extreme stress on currencies and capital markets, politicians will do what they deem necessary to protect their own positions, and in times like we are now in, it is always possible one country can do its own thing as Hungry tends to do. Germany drove the EU economy for years, but now it is in real trouble. Just consider the EU a very risky place to invest these days.


Oil has a long way to go up. Some believe it could one day hit $200 when China reopens, and economies start to recover. Heating oil inventory is at a 20 year low with a much bigger world population. There will not be production to cover the demand by far. The Saudis are not going to start to pump oil just because Biden barks at them. He has managed in just 2 years to totally destroy the strong Mideast alliances we had built over decades, and which are needed to counter Iran. It was idiocy to abandon the Abraham Accords, restart talks with Iran, and then tell OPEC we won’t pump oil because it is bad, but you go ahead and pump all you can. The Arabs are not as stupid as many Americans on the left. OPEC will do whatever it has to in order to keep Brent over $90. Now, whatever Biden does to “punish” Saudis will just make it worse, and make Iran and China very happy. This is almost as imbecilic as the pull-out from Afghanistan. What do you think the Saudis think when they see the SPR get drained, and drilling shut down. They see a shortage, and an opportunity to make huge profits. Although SPR is still barely adequate, it needs to be refilled next year, putting more demand on oil production. It will take 6 months for fracking to fully ramp up from the day the regs are changed, so we are far from relief. Spare parts for wells are in short supply right now. If Putin wants to really play with Biden, he can shut off all oil exports to everyone for a few weeks. He has enough dollar reserves to do that short term. He also could decide to stop grain exports from Ukraine, which he recently threatened to do. As a result of all this, coal is in huge demand again, and is at max production. Coal has a good future again. If oil does go to a lot higher price, that is when the Euro would be in real trouble. There is zero way the EU or US can use alternative energy to make up the difference. Here is the really ignorant part. The west has decided to try to cap the price of Russian oil so they cannot make a profit. If that happens, Putin will just say, if I can’t make a profit, I will not pump, so he shuts off supply and world oil prices shoot up. Yellen seems not to understand any of this based on her speech yesterday.


It is hard to be sure where the Senate comes out in the election. Several of the Trump candidates are losing races they should be running away with, and they are very bad candidates. Walker is a disaster, and if Oz can’t soundly beat a guy who is in questionable health, radical left and against fracking, and lets criminals walk, and in this poor economy, then he is really weak. The probability is, R’s will get the senate by 2 seats, but it is not sure at all. On the other hand, inflation for the average family is a killer right now, and crime is at a point that restaurants and clubs close early, workers get mugged coming to the office in daytime, drivers get car jacked at a massive rate, people get shot and stabbed at a high rate, and criminals get released to do it all over again. People are scared and want someone to provide safety. The flow is now to Republicans again.


In two weeks after most of the earnings, we will be better able to forecast SPX earnings for year end, and apply a multiple to see where the market low will likely be. Q4 earnings will be notably lower than Q3.


The bombing of the bridge in Crimea may be a turning point because it has badly disrupted supplies needed by the Russians now in Kherson. The Ukrainians are blowing up arms depots and other supplies so that the Russian army now has shortages of ammo and weapons in that area. If the Ukrainians can continue their offensive around Kherson and cut off supplies to the Russians there by blowing up rail lines, and retaking the area around Mariupol, they have a chance to force the retreat of large portions of the Russian army in that region. The Russians in the meantime are working to set up a major counter offensive with massed tanks and troops coming in from Belarus, and also in the south. They intend to cut off the Ukrainians in the south and inflict a major loss on Ukraine. If that fails, which is very possible, then Russia will have blown its last major shot, and the war could then move to a conclusion. The next six weeks will be decisive.

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