Today the odds in Las Vegas flipped favoring the reflection of President Trump
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Why Trump can win:
The GOP’s Wide-Open Arms
A marginal increase in Trump’s minority support could swing the vote in key states.
By Kimberley Strassell
The Republican Party that presented itself to the nation this week had a wide and welcoming look. Some in the GOP think that look could make the difference in November.
Following the 2014 election of Mia Love, the first black Republican woman to win a seat in Congress, the Washington Post said: “For at least half a century, the party of Lincoln has battled charges that it is racist, sexist and anti-immigrant.” These “charges” weren’t true, of course; they were the pronouncements of media bean counters who measure morality in terms of racial percentages. Yet the “racist” chorus has only grown, and the election of Donald Trump sent the left to new levels of hysteria.
The Republican Party that presented itself to the nation this week had a wide and welcoming look. Some in the GOP think that look could make the difference in November.
Following the 2014 election of Mia Love, the first black Republican woman to win a seat in Congress, the Washington Post said: “For at least half a century, the party of Lincoln has battled charges that it is racist, sexist and anti-immigrant.” These “charges” weren’t true, of course; they were the pronouncements of media bean counters who measure morality in terms of racial percentages. Yet the “racist” chorus has only grown, and the election of Donald Trump sent the left to new levels of hysteria.
This week, Americans got to choose between that version of the GOP and their own lying eyes. The party on display was an array of African-American officials, sports icons and civil rights leaders, Latina businesswomen, Native Americans, Cuban refugees, powerhouse female politicians, dairy farmers and loggers, newly-sworn-in immigrants, union workers, and an openly gay former acting director of national intelligence. It was an optimistic presentation, too—a celebration of the party’s width and depth.And the GOP didn’t just celebrate its minority voices, it led with them. Speaker after speaker on opening night explained their reasons for supporting the party, and invited others to test the waters. There was Kim Klacik, a young black woman running for Congress, who decried Democratic policies that have run Baltimore “into the ground.” Madeline Lauf celebrated her Guatemalan mother and warned what Joe Biden’s tax and regulatory policies would do to small businesses like hers. Maximo Alvarez, a Florida entrepreneur, told of escaping Cuba’s death and starvation, explaining how Castro’s promises of “free education” and “free healthcare” “totally destroyed” the country of his youth. Sen. Tim Scott gave a moving speech about his work with the administration to direct private investment to distressed communities. Daniel Cameron, Kentucky’s first black attorney general, on Day 2 eloquently reminded African-Americans that no party deserves a monopoly on their vote. And so it went all four days.
This level of outreach is new for Republicans. It’s not that the GOP hasn’t long had minority supporters, or that prior campaigns didn’t court minority voters. It was that the pitch was more perfunctory than a priority. The GOP has a bad habit of assuming all it needs do is say “free markets” and the converts will come. Past campaigns would dump money into Spanish-language ads, hold the occasional set-piece in a neighborhood, and hope to grab the 10% of the black vote that it usually does.
So it’s passing strange that the GOP president who has been relentless in promoting policies that benefit minorities is the one the media brands most racist of them all. There was the First Step Act, which reformed sentencing laws; more than 90% of those who have had their sentences reduced are black Americans. The president in 2018 made historically black colleges and universities a priority, putting new money into loans and funding. His tax law created opportunity zones that funnel private investment to inner cities. He has doubled down on school choice, an issue with 68% support among blacks and 82% among Latinos, according to a Federation for Children poll. His economic policies produced record-low black and Hispanic unemployment.
The GOP outreach also comes at a potentially important moment. Latino and African-American voters overall have real issues with Mr. Trump. In 2016 he scored only 8% of the black vote, 28% of Hispanics, and 27% of Asian-Americans. Yet the polls also show a growing awareness and frustration among minorities that the Obama-Biden years didn’t deliver for their communities. Despite his putative lead nationally, Mr. Biden has less black and Hispanic support at this point in the race than Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama did.
Does that softness translate into a giant Trump minority pickup? No. But it doesn’t have to. Democrats like to point out that Mr. Trump won the election by a margin of 80,000 votes across three swing states. The Trump campaign knows that increasing its support—even a little—among minority communities in those and other key battlegrounds could prove huge. Take Michigan, one of the three, where Mr. Trump won an estimated 6% of the African-American vote in 2016. A recent Trafalgar poll showed his current support at nearly double that, which would translate into tens of thousands of votes. Recent polls have also shown Mr. Trump doing better with Latinos, with one Marist poll showing him up 11% over 2016. Consider what that might mean in Arizona or Florida.
For an example of how this works in practice, listen to one of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’s favorite stories. The Republican reminds people that his own 2018 election was decided by fewer than 40,000 votes. His margin of victory was the 100,000 African-American women who voted for him, many because of his unwavering support for school choice.
All political parties understand: The bigger the tent the better. If the GOP is victorious this year, it will be in part because it worked hard to stretch that canvas wider.
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The Trump Disruption
His policy record is better than he and his opponents have made it sound.
The Editorial Board
When Donald Trump won the Presidency four years ago, half of America gnashed its teeth or cried and even supporters who cheered weren’t sure what to expect. Four years later our verdict is that he has been better on policy than we feared but worse on personal behavior than we hoped. Whether Americans re-elect him depends on how they assess that political balance sheet.
We realize that even considering the Trump Presidency in these conventional terms is offensive to some readers. Don’t we get that he’s a would-be authoritarian, a Russian plant, or at least so deeply flawed as a human being that he can’t be trusted with power? Yet our democracy survives, and the Constitution’s checks and balances are intact. Americans who heard him ask for a second term Thursday night were trying to make sense of what has been a raucous and disruptive Presidency.
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This week’s virtual GOP convention has spent hours educating voters about Trump Administration successes, and many are real, starting with the pre-Covid-19 economy that we examined this week. The political irony is that this success was due to Mr. Trump’s adoption of conventional GOP economics, not his trade or immigration agenda.
The President contracted out tax reform to Congress, especially Paul Ryan in the House and Pat Toomey in the Senate, and they delivered. Mr. Trump also hired a cast of deregulators who liberated the economy from burdens on energy and more. The economy kicked into higher gear, and the resulting tight labor market produced strong wage gains for lower-skilled workers left behind by the Obama-Biden years. Note that this happened without the income redistribution schemes favored on the left and increasingly the right.
Mr. Trump’s tariff onslaught in 2018 hurt what was a boom in new manufacturing jobs as supply chains were upset, input costs rose, and uncertainly increased. But he has avoided the full-scale trade war we feared. His battles with China achieved less than advertised with tariffs, but more on Huawei and attention to Chinese cyber and IP theft.
Mr. Trump is also the first President since Ronald Reagan to try to rein in the administrative state. This can seem like an abstraction but it has real consequences in people’s lives. Betsy DeVos’s repeal of Joe Biden’s “guidance” for handling sexual assault cases on campus will spare many young people from unfair ruin. The repeal of the Waters of the U.S. rule will spare farmers and property owners from bureaucratic harassment.
These policies are more likely to be sustained by the more than 200 conservative judges Mr. Trump has appointed. These judges are more attentive to the abuses of the regulatory state, harm to the separation of powers, and limits on religious liberty. The latter explains the enduring support for Mr. Trump from evangelicals and church-going Catholics.
Mr. Trump failed to repeal ObamaCare and has now defaulted to promoting drug price controls that would limit the development of new cures. He also failed on what could have been a landmark immigration reform, trading some legalization for more border security. His televised naturalization service this week clashes with his often harsh limits on even legal immigration.
Foreign policy was one of our biggest fears, and his record is mixed. His disdain for convention led him to useful decisions that no other GOP President would have made—withdrawing from the Potemkin Paris climate accord and Iran nuclear deal, and moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. That latter two have contributed to a breakthrough in Arab-Israeli relations that eluded the last five Presidents.
Yet his bullying and impulsiveness have needlessly soured relations with allies, especially Germany, and raised doubts about U.S. commitments. Most offensive is his personal courtship of dictators, such as Kim Jong Un, Vladimir Putin, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and for a while Xi Jinping. He seems to think he can charm these hard men, and he has little to show for his pursuit.
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Which brings us to character. Americans knew when they voted for Mr. Trump that he wouldn’t adhere to convention, but they also hoped his manners would rise to the respect due the office. They too often haven’t. He is needlessly polarizing, luxuriates in petty feuds, and trashes aides who served him well as they walk out the door. He seems not to care if what he says is true, which has squandered his ability to persuade in a crisis.
He often hurts himself by crashing through proper norms as with his near-invitation of the Taliban to Camp David and his threat to withhold aid if Ukraine didn’t investigate Joe Biden. Both were stopped by advisers, but the latter got him impeached.
His narcissism is his own worst enemy, which the public has seen to its worst effect in the pandemic. Mr. Trump brawled with governors and the press and bragged relentlessly about his success when Americans wanted candid realism. His Administration’s anti-Covid record is better than Mr. Trump has made it sound.
Yet it’s impossible to assess Mr. Trump’s behavior outside the context of the often unhinged opposition. We will never know how his Presidency might have gone without the Russia collusion accusations. But we do know the FBI, and the Obama Administration, knew early on that there was no evidence for the claims. They nonetheless fed the media stories to cripple him.
Before Election Day in 2016, we wrote that the biggest gamble of a Trump Presidency wasn’t the fantasy that he was a Mussolini from Manhattan. It was that he’d face a hostile press and bureaucracy that his inexperience and erratic management would be unable to navigate. So it has often been, and in 2018 the resulting tumult cost Republicans control of the House.
Americans now know Mr. Trump isn’t going to change, but then he isn’t running only against himself. He has a chance to win another four years if voters conclude that his disruption is less risky than the Biden-Sanders Democratic agenda.
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Hi Fellow Patriot,
It’s no surprise that in recent months, more and more of Baltimore’s leadership has been closely inspected and discovered as part of the city’s seemingly never-ending problems.
The latest is Baltimore’s State’s Attorney. Currently, she is under investigation by the city’s Inspector General for several reasons.
Fighting for Freedom,
Mike Kinsman
And:
There always is another side that we never see and certainly do not hear about:
And:
There always is another side that we never see and certainly do not hear about:
Jim Jordan Reveals the Side of Trump Most People Do Not See and It is Beautiful
The Daily Wire News reports, Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) told a touching story during the first night of the Republican National Convention...
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Kerry is an embittered liar.
Kerry is an embittered liar.
History Keeps Proving John Kerry Wrong
By DAVID HARSANYI
The former secretary of state continues peddling foreign-policy falsehoods.
It took approximately 20 seconds for former secretary of state John Kerry to drop the first flagrant lie in his Democratic National Convention speech on Tuesday, when he claimed that the Obama administration’s so-called Iran deal had “eliminated the threat of an Iran with a nuclear weapon.” It didn’t get any better from there.
Kerry knows well that sunset provisions in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) provided Iran’s government with a pathway to building nuclear weapons in a few years. He knows well that Israel uncovered a giant cache of documents with instructions on how to jumpstart a program to build a nuclear arsenal, which undermined both the spirit and the rationale of the nonproliferation agreement Iran signed. He knows that Iran was developing ballistic-missile programs meant to deliver nuclear weapons.
Kerry’s big accomplishment was to destroy a sanctions program that was working, thereby saving the Islamic Republic from economic ruin. This allowed the Islamist government to strengthen its proxies in Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Yemen, and Iraq.
Now Kerry says Trump “doesn’t know how to defend the troops”? Well, I’m not sure that the man who oversaw the billions in direct cash payments to a government that had a hand in murdering and maiming hundreds of American troops has the moral authority to level that criticism. Kerry himself acknowledged that sanctions relief would likely end up in the coffers of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard — now a designated terror group. Surely, then, he knew that the pallets of euros and Swiss francs he was shipping to Tehran in an unmarked cargo plane would also find their way to the groups triggering conflicts across the Middle East — not to mention subjugating people at home.
While many argued for a maximum-pressure campaign against the Islamic Republic, Kerry preferred the no-pressure route. The Iran deal, in fact, often seemed to be the Obama administration’s top obsession. Nothing would stand in the way. And while the media echo chamber was misleading the public at home, Kerry was placating Russia and allowing a humanitarian disaster to unfold in Syria in an effort to save the deal.
Around the time the Obama administration was chasing an Iran deal, the Syrian government, backed by the Islamic Republic, was crossing the president’s Red Line and gassing civilians. Michael Doran, a former senior director of the National Security Council, noted that from the beginning of the crisis Obama “showed deference to Iran on the nuclear front” and “the same deference to the Iranian interest in Syria.” Even when the Unites States began funding rebel forces in Syria, the administration reportedly wouldn’t allow Iranian’s ally to be touched.
When pressed on the matter by some Syrian civil-society workers in London, then Secretary Kerry snapped, “What do you want me to do, go to war with Russia?” Obama officials — led by Kerry — long peddled this false choice: the Iran deal or war. Well, we are no longer a party to Iran deal, and there is no war. Meanwhile, there is a highly weakened Iran, and there are growing alliances among our Sunni allies and Israel.
Kerry would continue to entertain Iranian officials even after he was out of government. When Trump ordered a drone strike of the terrorist Qasem Soleimani, a man who masterminded the killing of American soldiers and thousands of Iraqi civilians, Kerry said the world was in “no way at all” safer, and claimed that Trump was risking an “outright war.” All Iran did was launch a performative counterstrike.
Kerry was wrong about Iran. Kerry was also wrong about Israel — a nation he doesn’t ever seem to consider an “ally” in his speeches about Obama’s alleged foreign-policy successes. And when the U.S. embassy was about to be moved to Jerusalem, Kerry warned it would lead to “an explosion” in the Middle East — more specifically, “an absolute explosion in the region, not just in the West Bank and perhaps even in Israel itself, but throughout the region.” Moreover, Kerry declared, it would have a serious and negative repercussions on relations between Israel and the Arab world, making peace far less likely.
Of course, outside of some typical Palestinian noise, the opposite has happened. Only recently, Israel and the United Arab Emirates agreed to a historic deal that normalized relations between them. They were no doubt partly brought together by the Obama administration’s unprecedented coddling of the mullahs. Other Arab Gulf states are expected join the UAE, though it is well-known that many of them already have clandestine working relationships with Israel. This week, Sudan, the third-largest Arab nation, announced it was close to reaching its own peace deal with the Jewish state.
All of this seems pretty significant. It would surely have been massive news if the Obama administration had helped forge the pacts. Right now, though, Obama has one more Nobel prize than he does a peace agreement. And time keeps proving John Kerry wrong.
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Antifa has it's own food kitchens. It is time to investigate who is financing anarchists and throw their behinds in jail.
Antifa has it's own food kitchens. It is time to investigate who is financing anarchists and throw their behinds in jail.
Antifa's 'Riot Kitchen' gets busted By Monica Showalter
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Once the endorsements start coming and the earth does not collapse and swallow the brave it will escalate. Pelosi , Biden and K played it too cute, too political while American cities, run by Democrats, were collapsing around them.Then Thursday night, mobs attacked those leaving the White House and D.C's mayor did nothing to protect them. Except for a few brave police persons real tragedies could have occurred.
The cumulative impact of radical Democrat policies and the actions of anarchists in the street have coalesced to change the mood of those who are, like me, no longer tolerant while our nation is ripped apart by hooligans whose causes are no longer justified. Nor do I care what banners they are carrying and/or what cause they espouse they are supporting.
They must be seen for who they are and jailed if they are found guilty of violent behaviour.
What Angela Davis and other fascists have said must be taken seriously.
The cumulative impact of radical Democrat policies and the actions of anarchists in the street have coalesced to change the mood of those who are, like me, no longer tolerant while our nation is ripped apart by hooligans whose causes are no longer justified. Nor do I care what banners they are carrying and/or what cause they espouse they are supporting.
They must be seen for who they are and jailed if they are found guilty of violent behaviour.
What Angela Davis and other fascists have said must be taken seriously.
Trump Lands Major Endorsements From Democrat Mayors in Minnesota
By Jim Hayek
A number of Democrat mayors from Minnesota endorsed President Donald Trump for a second term on Friday as Vice President Mike Pence campaigns in the the state.
“Like many in our region, we have voted for Democrats over many decades. We have watched as our constituents’ jobs left not only the Iron Range, but our country. By putting tariffs on our products and supporting bad trade deals, politicians like Joe Biden did nothing to help the working class. We lost thousands of jobs, and generations of young people have left the Iron Range in order to provide for their families with good paying jobs elsewhere. Today, we don’t recognize the Democratic Party. It has been moved so far to the left it can no longer claim to be advocates of the working class. The hard-working Minnesotans that built their lives and supported their families here on the Range have been abandoned by radical Democrats. We didn’t choose to leave the Democratic Party, the party left us,” the letter, singed by Virginia Mayor Larry Cuffe, Chisholm Mayor John Champa, Ely Mayor Chuck Novak, Two Harbors Mayor Chris Swanson, Eveleth Mayor Robert Vlaisavljevich and Babbitt Mayor Andrea Zupancich, states.
“Yet, four years ago, something wonderful happened. Donald J. Trump was elected President of the United States, and he stood up to China, implemented tax cuts and fought for the working class. Now, four years later, the Iron Range is roaring back to life and for the first time in a very long time, locals are hopeful because of this President’s policies and willingness to fight for us,” the mayors continue. “Lifelong politicians like Joe Biden are out of touch with the working class, out of touch with what the country needs, and out of touch with those of us here on the Iron Range and in small towns like ours across our nation.”
Polling in the North Star State has shown President Trump gaining ground in recent weeks, especially as riots in Minneapolis continue to rage out of control.
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