Then when Holder finally decides to look into the IRS scandal he selects a gumshoe contributor! But of course it is not a scandal just a misunderstanding by lower ranked IRS employees.
More hypocrisy.
The best way to destroy a nation is for its leaders to give cause why citizens should distrust them. Obama has proven totally competent in accomplishing this unworthy and nefarious goal.
One of the reasons he has been able to do so is because the lemmings in the press and media are loathe to challenge him, to ask probing questions and to penetrate this administration's false facade.
Obama is constantly given 'pass go's' in the Monopolistic Political game he plays.
Is it any wonder Alinsky sets the tone:
===1. Healthcare- Control healthcare and you control the people.2. Poverty- Increase the poverty level as high as possible. Poor people are easierto control and will not fight back if you are providing everything for them to live.3. Debt- Increase the debt to an unsustainable level. That way you are able toincrease taxes and this will produce more poverty.4. Gun Control- Remove the ability to defend themselves from the government. Thatway you are able to create a police state.5. Welfare- Take control of every aspect of their life. (i.e. food, housing, and income)6. Education- Take control of what the people read and listen to. Take control of whatthe children learn in school.7. Religion- Remove any display of belief in God from government and public buildings.8. Class Warfare- Divide the people into the wealthy and the poor. This will cause morediscontent. It will make it easier to tax the wealthier to support the poorer.- Saul Alinsky
Attack on an Iranian nuclear facility? More to follow.
===
More bad humor:
"Irish Petrol Station"
A petrol station owner in Dublin was trying to increase his sales.
So, he put up a sign that read, 'Free Sex with Fill-Up.' Soon Paddy pulled in, filled his tank and asked for his free sex.
The owner told him to pick a number from 1 to 10. If he guessed correctly, he would get his free sex. Paddy guessed 8, and the proprietor said, 'You were close. The number was 7.
Sorry. No sex this time.
A week later, Paddy, along with his friend Mick, pulled in for another Fill-up. Again he asked for his free sex. The proprietor again gave him the same story, and asked him to guess the correct number. Paddy guessed 2 this time.
The proprietor said, 'Sorry, it was 3. You were close, but no free sex this time.
As they were driving away, Mick said to Paddy, 'I think that game is rigged and he doesn't really give away free sex.
Paddy replied, 'No it ain't, Mick. It's not rigged at all at all. My wife won twice last week.
===
Another take on what Israeli leaders should be considering. (See 1 below.)
===
DUH!:
===
Dick
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1) Israel and the death of pan-Arabism
The so-called Arab Spring unleashed forces that have been dormant for a
century. Like their counterparts throughout the region, Israel's
Arabic-speaking minorities are changing in profound ways. But our leaders
fail to grasp the implications of what is happening.
Consider the Christian community.
Father Gabriel Nadaf, a Greek Orthodox priest from Nazareth, has become the
symbol of this new period. Nadaf is the spiritual leader of an Israeli
Christian movement calling for Israeli Christian youth to serve in the IDF.
He is responsible for the 300 percent rise in Christian Arab enlistment in
the IDF in the past year.
Nadaf does not hide his goal or his motivation. His seeks the full
integration of Israel's 130,000 Christians into Israeli society. He views
military service as the key to that integration.
Nadaf is motivated to act by the massive persecution of Christians
throughout the Arab world since the onset of the Arab revolutionary wave in
December 2010.
As he explained in a recent interview with Channel 1, it is "in light of
what we see happening to Christians in Arab countries, how they are
slaughtered and persecuted on a daily basis, killed and raped just because
they are Christians. Does this happen in the State of Israel? No, it
doesn't."
Shahdi Halul, a reserve captain in the Paratroopers who works with Nadaf,
declared, "Every Christian in the State of Israel should join the army and
defend this country so it will exist forever. Because if, God forbid, the
government is overthrown here, as it was in other places, we will be the
first to suffer."
These men, and their supporters, are the natural result of the most
significant revolutionary development of the so-called Arab Spring: the
demise of Arab nationalism.
As Ofir Haivry, vice president of the Herzl Institute, explained in an
important article in the Mosaiconline magazine, Arab nationalism was born in pan-Arabism - an invention of European powers during World War I that sought to endow the post-Ottoman Middle East with a new identity.
The core of the new identity was the Arabic language. The religious, tribal,
ethnic and nationalist aspirations of the peoples of the Arabic- speaking
region were to be smothered and replaced by a new pan-Arab identity.
For the Christians of the former Ottoman Empire, pan-Arabism was a welcome
means of getting out from under the jackboot of the Islamic Laws of Omar,
which reduce non-Muslims living under Muslim rule to the status of powerless
dhimmis, who survive at the pleasure of their Islamic rulers.
But now pan-Arabism lies in ruins from North Africa to the Arabian
Peninsula. The people of the region have gone back to identifying themselves
by tribe, religion, ethnicity, and in the case of the Kurds and the Berbers,
non-Arab national identity. In this new era, Christians find themselves
imperiled, with few if any protectors or allies to be found.
As Haivry notes, Israel's central strategic challenge has always been
contending with pan-Arabism, which was invented at the same time that the
nations of the world embraced modern Zionism.
Since its inception, pan-Arab leaders always saw Israel as the scapegoat on
which to pin their failure to deliver on pan-Arabism's promise of global
Arab power and influence.
Israel changed its position on pan-Arabism drastically over the years. Once,
Israel could see the dangers in pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism.
But since 1993, says Haivri, Israel's national strategy has been based on
appeasing the secular authoritarian pan-Arab leaders by offering land for
peace to Syria and the PLO.
Haivry notes that Shimon Peres is the political godfather of Israel's
accommodationist strategy, which is rooted in a mix of perceived
powerlessness on the one hand, and utopianism on the other.
The sense of powerlessness owes to the conviction that Israel cannot
influence its environment. That the Arabs will never change. Israel's
neighbors will always see themselves primarily as Arabs, and they will
always want, more than anything else, Arab states.
At the same time, the accommodationists hold the utopian belief that Israeli
appeasement of Palestinian Arab nationalism will break through the wall of
pan-Arab rejection, end hatred for the Jewish state, and even lead the Arabs
to invite Israel to join the Arab League.
The so-called Arab Spring has put paid to every one of the
accommodationists' beliefs. From Egypt to Tunisia to Iraq to Syria, Israel's
neighbors are fighting each other as Sunnis, Shi'ites and Salafists, or as
members of clans and tribes, without a thought for the alleged primacy of
their Arab identity. What Israel's Palestinian-state-obsessed Left has
failed to realize is that many of Israel's neighbors do not share the
pan-Arab scapegoating of the Jewish state. So bribing the now largely
irrelevant Arabs nationalists with another Arab state may do little more
than create the newest victim of the Arab revolutions.
It is because they see what is happening to their co-religionists in the
post-pan-Arab Middle East that more and more Israeli Christians realize they
will lead safer, more prosperous and more fulfilling lives as Christian
citizens in the Middle East's only democracy than as pan-Arabs battling the
Zionist menace.
But old habits die hard. Most of Israel's elected Arab leaders owe their
positions to their embrace of pan-Arabism. This embrace has brought them the
support of the PLO and Europe, and since 1993, of the Israeli Left.
And so, since he first appeared on the scene, Father Nadaf's life has been
constantly threatened. Everyone from Arab members of Knesset to the
Communist head of the Greek Orthodox Council has incited against him,
calling him and his followers traitors to the Palestinian Arab nation.
He also threatens the Israeli Left. For its view of Israel's strategic
powerlessness and consequent need to appease its neighbors to remain
relevant, the pan-Arab forces in the Arab world must be perceived as still
dominant, even invincible. And so, the Israeli Left refuses to consider the
larger strategic implications of the regional upheaval from which Nadaf's
initiative emerged.
Even worse, the official policy of the Netanyahu government appears based on
this irrelevant Leftist view of the region. This is the implication of
Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman's defeatist speech at the Foreign
Ministry's annual conference of ambassadors on Sunday.
Liberman's speech has been rightly viewed as the supposedly right-wing
politician's formal break with his ideological camp and his embrace of the
Left. In his remarks Liberman let it be known, that like the Left, he now
bases his positions on a complete denial or avoidance of reality. For this,
he was congratulated for his "maturity" by Peres who was sitting on the
stage with him.
In his speech, Liberman acknowledged that the Obama administration's peace
plan for Israel and the Palestinians is horrible for Israel. But, he said,
it is better than the European Union's peace plan.
Never considering the possibility of saying no to both, Liberman said he
thinks we should accept the bad American deal. His only condition is that he
insists that the PLO accept towns in the Galilee and their 300,000 Israeli
Arab residents.
Liberman's surrender of the Galilee is a key component to his population
swap plan. Under his plan, Israel would retain control over the fraction of
Judea and Samaria in which large numbers of Israeli Jews live, in exchange
for the area of the Galilee that is home to 300,000 Israeli Arabs. This plan
has reportedly been presented to US Secretary of State John Kerry as an
official Israeli position.
In other words, the Netanyahu government has failed to recognize the
implications of the death of pan-Arabism. In maintaining their slavish
devotion to the two-state formula, and viewing the Arabs in the Galilee,
Judea, Samaria, Jerusalem and surrounding states as an impenetrable bloc,
they are placing Israel's future in the hands of actors who have already
disappeared or will soon disappear. Instead of building alliances with
non-Jewish citizens of Israel, such as Druse and Christians, who are more
than happy to defend Israel against Islamists and other regional fanatics,
the Netanyahu government insists on placing the state's future in the hands
of pan-Arabs whose grip on power is slipping and who would never willingly
coexist with Israel anyway.
Nadaf and his followers respond to the allegation - uttered by MKs like
Haneen Zoabi and Basel Ghattas, among others - that they are traitors to the
Palestinian Arab nation, with contempt.
"When someone tells me, 'We're all Arabs,' I tell him, 'No, we're not all
Arabs. You're an Arab. I'm not,'" Halul told Channel 1.
Samer Jozin, whose daughter Jennifer opted for IDF service instead of
medical school, agrees.
"Telling me I'm a Palestinian is a curse. I'm, thank God, an Israeli
Christian and proud of it. And I thank God I was born in the Land of
Israel," he said.
The message couldn't be clearer. We are basing our national strategy on a
world that no longer exists.
Today our longtime allies the Kurds have carved out virtually independent
states for themselves in Iraq and Syria.
Christians throughout the region are on the run. The Druse of Syria and
Lebanon are exposed, without protection, and looking for help.
As for the Muslims, as Haivry notes, they are fragmented along sectarian and
political lines, and at war with one another in battlefields throughout the
region. While so engaged, they have little time to devote to blaming Israel
for their failures.
This state of affairs has implications for Israel's Arab Muslim minority.
None of the regional warring Muslim camps are natural homes for Israel's
Muslim community. A community that has lived in an open, free society for 65
years does not naturally turn to Salafism. Israel is a much easier fit for
most Israeli Muslims.
At a minimum, no one is better off if Israel forces them to cast their lot
with any of the warring factions in Syria or Lebanon, or the increasingly
irrelevant forces in the Palestinian Authority. There may very well be
hundreds of Muslim versions of Father Nadaf just waiting for a signal from
our government that we want them to lead their community into our society.
The post-pan-Arab Middle East exposes the truth that has been obscured for a
century. The Jews and their Jewish state are a natural component of our
diverse neighborhood, just like the Kurds, the Christians, the Druse, the
various Muslim sects, and the Arabs. The demise of pan-Arabism is our great
opportunity, at home and regionally, to build the alliances we need to
survive and prosper. But so long as our leaders insist on clinging to the
now irrelevant dream of appeasing the defunct pan-Arabists, we will lose
these opportunities and convince our allies that we are treacherous,
disloyal and temporary.
appeasing the secular authoritarian pan-Arab leaders by offering land for
peace to Syria and the PLO.
Haivry notes that Shimon Peres is the political godfather of Israel's
accommodationist strategy, which is rooted in a mix of perceived
powerlessness on the one hand, and utopianism on the other.
The sense of powerlessness owes to the conviction that Israel cannot
influence its environment. That the Arabs will never change. Israel's
neighbors will always see themselves primarily as Arabs, and they will
always want, more than anything else, Arab states.
At the same time, the accommodationists hold the utopian belief that Israeli
appeasement of Palestinian Arab nationalism will break through the wall of
pan-Arab rejection, end hatred for the Jewish state, and even lead the Arabs
to invite Israel to join the Arab League.
The so-called Arab Spring has put paid to every one of the
accommodationists' beliefs. From Egypt to Tunisia to Iraq to Syria, Israel's
neighbors are fighting each other as Sunnis, Shi'ites and Salafists, or as
members of clans and tribes, without a thought for the alleged primacy of
their Arab identity. What Israel's Palestinian-state-obsessed Left has
failed to realize is that many of Israel's neighbors do not share the
pan-Arab scapegoating of the Jewish state. So bribing the now largely
irrelevant Arabs nationalists with another Arab state may do little more
than create the newest victim of the Arab revolutions.
It is because they see what is happening to their co-religionists in the
post-pan-Arab Middle East that more and more Israeli Christians realize they
will lead safer, more prosperous and more fulfilling lives as Christian
citizens in the Middle East's only democracy than as pan-Arabs battling the
Zionist menace.
But old habits die hard. Most of Israel's elected Arab leaders owe their
positions to their embrace of pan-Arabism. This embrace has brought them the
support of the PLO and Europe, and since 1993, of the Israeli Left.
And so, since he first appeared on the scene, Father Nadaf's life has been
constantly threatened. Everyone from Arab members of Knesset to the
Communist head of the Greek Orthodox Council has incited against him,
calling him and his followers traitors to the Palestinian Arab nation.
He also threatens the Israeli Left. For its view of Israel's strategic
powerlessness and consequent need to appease its neighbors to remain
relevant, the pan-Arab forces in the Arab world must be perceived as still
dominant, even invincible. And so, the Israeli Left refuses to consider the
larger strategic implications of the regional upheaval from which Nadaf's
initiative emerged.
Even worse, the official policy of the Netanyahu government appears based on
this irrelevant Leftist view of the region. This is the implication of
Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman's defeatist speech at the Foreign
Ministry's annual conference of ambassadors on Sunday.
Liberman's speech has been rightly viewed as the supposedly right-wing
politician's formal break with his ideological camp and his embrace of the
Left. In his remarks Liberman let it be known, that like the Left, he now
bases his positions on a complete denial or avoidance of reality. For this,
he was congratulated for his "maturity" by Peres who was sitting on the
stage with him.
In his speech, Liberman acknowledged that the Obama administration's peace
plan for Israel and the Palestinians is horrible for Israel. But, he said,
it is better than the European Union's peace plan.
Never considering the possibility of saying no to both, Liberman said he
thinks we should accept the bad American deal. His only condition is that he
insists that the PLO accept towns in the Galilee and their 300,000 Israeli
Arab residents.
Liberman's surrender of the Galilee is a key component to his population
swap plan. Under his plan, Israel would retain control over the fraction of
Judea and Samaria in which large numbers of Israeli Jews live, in exchange
for the area of the Galilee that is home to 300,000 Israeli Arabs. This plan
has reportedly been presented to US Secretary of State John Kerry as an
official Israeli position.
In other words, the Netanyahu government has failed to recognize the
implications of the death of pan-Arabism. In maintaining their slavish
devotion to the two-state formula, and viewing the Arabs in the Galilee,
Judea, Samaria, Jerusalem and surrounding states as an impenetrable bloc,
they are placing Israel's future in the hands of actors who have already
disappeared or will soon disappear. Instead of building alliances with
non-Jewish citizens of Israel, such as Druse and Christians, who are more
than happy to defend Israel against Islamists and other regional fanatics,
the Netanyahu government insists on placing the state's future in the hands
of pan-Arabs whose grip on power is slipping and who would never willingly
coexist with Israel anyway.
Nadaf and his followers respond to the allegation - uttered by MKs like
Haneen Zoabi and Basel Ghattas, among others - that they are traitors to the
Palestinian Arab nation, with contempt.
"When someone tells me, 'We're all Arabs,' I tell him, 'No, we're not all
Arabs. You're an Arab. I'm not,'" Halul told Channel 1.
Samer Jozin, whose daughter Jennifer opted for IDF service instead of
medical school, agrees.
"Telling me I'm a Palestinian is a curse. I'm, thank God, an Israeli
Christian and proud of it. And I thank God I was born in the Land of
Israel," he said.
The message couldn't be clearer. We are basing our national strategy on a
world that no longer exists.
Today our longtime allies the Kurds have carved out virtually independent
states for themselves in Iraq and Syria.
Christians throughout the region are on the run. The Druse of Syria and
Lebanon are exposed, without protection, and looking for help.
As for the Muslims, as Haivry notes, they are fragmented along sectarian and
political lines, and at war with one another in battlefields throughout the
region. While so engaged, they have little time to devote to blaming Israel
for their failures.
This state of affairs has implications for Israel's Arab Muslim minority.
None of the regional warring Muslim camps are natural homes for Israel's
Muslim community. A community that has lived in an open, free society for 65
years does not naturally turn to Salafism. Israel is a much easier fit for
most Israeli Muslims.
At a minimum, no one is better off if Israel forces them to cast their lot
with any of the warring factions in Syria or Lebanon, or the increasingly
irrelevant forces in the Palestinian Authority. There may very well be
hundreds of Muslim versions of Father Nadaf just waiting for a signal from
our government that we want them to lead their community into our society.
The post-pan-Arab Middle East exposes the truth that has been obscured for a
century. The Jews and their Jewish state are a natural component of our
diverse neighborhood, just like the Kurds, the Christians, the Druse, the
various Muslim sects, and the Arabs. The demise of pan-Arabism is our great
opportunity, at home and regionally, to build the alliances we need to
survive and prosper. But so long as our leaders insist on clinging to the
now irrelevant dream of appeasing the defunct pan-Arabists, we will lose
these opportunities and convince our allies that we are treacherous,
disloyal and temporary.
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