Friday, March 29, 2013

The Die Is Set! Pigeons Always Come Home To Roost!

Left photo: Zippity Zoo Dah - Daniel, Tamara and Stella at Miami Zoo.

Right Photo: Oldest artist granddaughter, Emma, at Grand Canyon (Emma Darvick.com)




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Less than favorable review of Obama's Mid East trip. (See 1 below.)
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Obama's daughters living the high life at the expense of tax payers and all those poor Obama's policies have created?  Sour grapes or justifiable commentary?  You decide. (See 2 below.)
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Turkey and Israel rise above their differences/grievances.  (See 3 below.)

Will the CIA wind up mistakenly supporting The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria? (See 3a below.)
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A leaderless world will become a more dangerous world as the vacuum filled, by our withdrawal, will not be one we would wish for and I doubt , even if Obama begins to grow, he can correct the damage his incompetence, naivety and wrong headed pusillanimity has caused.

His crippling spending and precipitous withdrawal and failure to support allies while appeasing our enemies has become far too damaging to reverse. The die is set!

For most Obama voters they will not understand the negative implications of the mistakes he made in his first four years and his continuation of them in his second term until the s--- hits the fan, which it is beginning to do. Thus Obama is backtracking not only on foreign policy decisions which proved disastrous but now his domestic policies are beginning to pinch so he might be forced to limit runaway entitlements.

Pigeons have a way of coming home to roost and the same for turkeys! (See 4 and 4a below.)
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Dick
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1)Peacemaker or Trojan Horse?
By Jerrold L. Sobel

With what must have been the same fanfare and adulation our textbooks relate the people of Troy gave to the Homeric "Trojan Horse," President Obama received when he touched down in Israel last week. To the blare of trumpets in the background, a full military honor guard, and a red carpet strewn up the entire tarmac, the president majestically disembarked.
Barely off Air Force One, Obama was immediately surrounded and embraced by both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel's ancient president, Shimon Perez. The smiles, the touching, if ever there was a kumbaya moment between heads of state, this was it. As if not enough to make every Jewish liberal in Israel and the United States kvel (beam with pride), the president brought down the house when he spoke in Hebrew: "tov lihiyot shuv ba'aretz," meaning: it's good to be be back here in Israel. He then finished off his initial remarks with the oft repeated refrain, one which rings hollow to many Israeli advocates: "America stands by Israel."
You might ask, why should such a proclamation be greeted with skepticism? His speech the following day to a gaggle of college students may offer some proof.
To what many, including this writer, think is the zenith of chutzpah, he went over the head of Israel's democratically-elected government and directly appealed to the population to put pressure on their; once again, democratically-elected government to end "the frustration in the international community" to do so, "Israel must reverse an undertow of isolation."
What he failed to mention was, whom are they being isolated by, the EU? The EU is a conglomeration of countries which throughout the centuries haven't exactly been kind to Jews and even today despite overwhelming evidence of decades-long terrorism still refuse to brand Hezbollah a terrorist organization.
Backing off like a boxer having just thrown a punch, to rousing applause, the president reiterated his mantra: "As long as there is a United States of America, you are not alone." You guessed it, the next punch was on its way.
"Just as Israelis built a state in their homeland, Palestinians have a right to be a free people in their own land,"
Exactly what land was he referring to? Where in history did Palestinian Arabs have a land of their own? Judea and Samaria, which is absurdly referred to as the "West Bank" was, has been, and still is the cradle of Jewish civilization from time immemorial. Except for the willfully blind it's ludicrous to rehash the historical fact that Jews inhabited this land several millennium prior to the advent of Islam.
At no time in the Islamic timeline between the murder of Imam Ali in 661 and the establishment of the Umayyad dynasty, and the formation in 1453 of the Ottoman Empire by Mehmet II, was there a sovereign Palestinian Arab state. This is a fact the president either fails to come to grip with or stealthy ignores.
But why should little things such as facts get in the way of a man on a messianic mission to create a peace from a process proven defunct time and again over the past seven decades.? "Land for Peace" is moribund not because of "settlements" -- there was no settlement issue in 1947 when the Arabs turned down partition and opted to attack Israel the following year.
The proposed internationalization of Jerusalem was likewise refused by the Arabs. From that time frame onward until this very day, every overture of peace based upon land and compromise has been categorically met with refusal and violence by the Palestinian Arabs and the surrounding Arab states as well. Yet incomprehensibly, President Obama, as he has done throughout his first term and under the guise of "undying friendship" still disingenuously places the onus for compromise upon Israel.
At Camp David in 2000, what greater compromise could Israel have made other than offering the Palestinians 97% of Judea and Samaria, full control of the Gaza Strip; including a land link between the two areas, and withdrawal from 63 "settlements?" In exchange for the three percent annexation of Judea and Samaria, Israel would increase the size of the Gaza territory by roughly a third. Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem would become the capital of the new state, and refugees would have the right of return to the Palestinian state; receiving reparations from a $30 billion international fund collected to compensate them.
If not compromise enough, the Palestinian Arabs would also maintain control over their holy places, and would be given desalinization plants to ensure them adequate water. The only concessions Arafat would have had to make was Israeli sovereignty over the parts of the Western Wall religiously significant to Jews. Having acquiesced on every main Palestinian concern, these Israeli offers were categorically rejected by the Nobel Peace Prize winning archterrorist. He opted instead to launch the second intafada.
This is not supposition. During a TV interview on April 25, 2002, Dennis Ross, the senior Middle East advisor to President Clinton and chief U.S. negotiator reiterated these points as fact.
Speaking of facts, what did the "land for Peace" paradigm get Israel following her unilateral withdrawal from Southern Lebanon? Or for that matter, Ariel Sharon's abandonment of Gaza during his failed, inexpedient gesture of peace in 2005; dismantling towns and villages, displacing thousands of Jewish families.
Likewise strange, in none of his pontifications before adoring crowds at the Jerusalem Convention Center did Obama make mention of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's plan for peace with the Palestinian Arabs in 2008.
According to this plan, Olmert proposed giving land to a future Palestinian state in the Beit She'an Valley near Kibbutz Tirat Tzvi; in the Judean Hills near Nataf and Mevo Betar; and in the area of Lachish and of the Yatir Forest. Together, the areas would have involved the transfer of 327 square kilometers of territory from within the Green Line. How did Abbas respond to this and what was his counteroffer? In rapid succession; he didn't and there was none. Next stop on this train to nowhere, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the 10-month building moratorium.
In November 2009 after months of incessant cajoling and pressure to halt "settlement" building in parts of her ancient homeland, Netanyahu called Obama's bluff and agreed to a building moratorium.
Initially the freeze was greeted with praise and optimism by the administration. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the pause in construction "helps move forward" the peace process. Through negotiations, she said, the two sides could reconcile Israel's desire for recognized and secure borders with Palestinian hopes for an independent state based upon borders before the 1967 war. This statement, predicating the foundation of negotiations on "borders before the 1967 war," tipped Obama's hat.
Then as now, no Israeli compromise short of land acquiescence seems to satisfy this man's obsession for a peace deal. Having in effect negotiated the Palestinian position, the settlement building freeze not surprisingly was once again met with a recalcitrant Palestinian response.
Offering no new proposals to his adulating audience, the president began wrapping up his two-day visit to Israel. To round after round of raucous applause Obama gave kudos to Israel's 100 high tech companies, her research centers, 10 Nobel laureates, Herzl, Begin, and Rabin. In his well-perfected glibness he fit in every platitude his speechwriter could think of. But to those astute enough and willing to read between the lines, what he didn't say had the most meaning, namely:
The Palestinian Arabs have steadfastly refused what should be the starting point of any peace negotiation: the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state.
As if in control of the land they so ostensibly yearn so deeply for, their leadership has rejected every overture of peace presented by different Israeli governments, not once responding with a viable one of their own.
On all of their maps and educational material, all of Israel is shown as a Palestinian state. Streets, boulevards, and town squares are continuously named after homicide bombers. Endemic hatred of Jews -- mind you, not Israelis -- is taught to their children at the earliest ages, as is total denial of Jewish connection to this land or recognition of Jewish Holy sites.
Until these strikingly obvious pitfalls are erased and the nonexistent "land for peace" archetype scrapped, Obama's oratory will accomplish nothing other than provide evidence for Albert Einstein's famous quote: "Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results."

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2)Sasha and Malia Obama 'Learn What They Live'
By Jeannie DeAngelis


If it's really true that "children learn what they live," then the First Daughters are learning how to be highbrow aristocrats whose extravagances are enjoyed without embarrassment, in full view and at the expense of the suffering. That's right, "the suffering," because notwithstanding the onslaught of Obamaganda, most people in America today, thanks to Sasha and Malia's Dad, are suffering in one way or another.
Meanwhile, when it comes to showering themselves with the perks of the good life, the Obamas exercise zero restraint. In fact, three months into the second term, they're actually outdoing themselves.  Not only that, but the elitist lifestyle the first family lives has a vindictive in-your-face, so-what-if-you-don't-like-it edge to it that smacks of spiteful arrogance.  Therefore, Sasha and Malia are learning what their liberal parents teach them, and that is to convey the following message to the unwashed masses: "Do as I say and I'll do what I want, and I'll do it with your money."
And for all of Barack's $900K Florida golf weekends, and more importantly, Michelle's alleged $10 million vacations, haute couture, and overpaid personal staff, the tragic victims of their selfishness and insensitive lack of fiscal restraint are Sasha and Malia. 
It's common knowledge that in the Obama household, babies are sometimes considered punishment while abortion is a treasured right.  Attending church is a twice-a-year photo op and vacations, since the first of the year, average out to be a once-a-month priority.  While Dad and Mom talk the talk about sharing, fairness, and self-sacrifice, in their own lives they exhibit none of these qualities. Consequently, the Obama youngsters are learning through observation that concern over appearing selfish, godless, and hypocritical should be dismissed.
Meanwhile, the girls' mother Michelle spends more time than she should proselytizing parents about their children's BMIs, diet, and exercise.  Sadly, what Mrs. Obama doesn't seem to recognize is that plump children who possess the character traits she lacks will fare better in life than slender, vegetable-eating youngsters who are indifferent, self-absorbed, and snotty- the very qualities she exhibits, and are at the core of the example she sets for her daughters.
Although they live in a pampered, fairytale environment, the First Daughters are neither too young nor too insulated to be unaware that 48,000,000 Americans are on food stamps and that 12 million are unemployed, 23% of whom are either black or Hispanic.  That's why, rather than flaunt the next 17-day, $4-million family jaunt to Hawaii, Obama should request that Air Force One head out to California - not to visit George Clooney and Eva Longoria, but to school his daughters about the harsh effect 9.8% unemployment is having on the Golden State.
Nonetheless, as a casual observer of a seemingly insatiable appetite for all things swanky and sumptuous, one can't help but wonder, do Mr. and Mrs. Obama ever reflect upon what they are teaching their impressionable children about life?  In three months they've gone from the balmy isle of Oahu, Hawaii to the bunny slopes of Aspen, Colorado.  Sasha and Malia even watched from afar asDad the Duffer golfed in Florida for a cool million with the philandering Tiger Woods.
Now, in the middle of a fiscal cliff/sequester crisis, without a care in the world the Obama girls have been led to believe that having staffers drag luggage stuffed with designer duds onto Marine One and helicoptering off to Paradise Island for five days is an acceptable choice to make.  Moreover, despite an economy on the edge of collapse, the Obama princesses probably can't help but believe that airplanes costing hundreds of thousands of dollars an hour to fly are there mainly to transport them to fun locales. 
Last spring, Malia Obama's trip to Mexico allegedly cost taxpayers $115,500.87. This year, the two sisters are at a Caribbean resort being chauffeured around in a motorcade and "escorted to the held elevator," accompanied by "a gaggle of friends."  Sans parents, Sasha and Malia are vacationing at the Atlantis, home to the Royal Tower Bridge Suite that goes for $25,000 per night. These tender-aged adolescents are accompanied by Secret Service agents who stand on the sidelines as they dance, giggle, and hang out at Club Crush, which for "teens ages 13 to 17 and tweens ages 9 to 13 vacationing on Paradise Island...[is the] ultimate nightclub."
Meanwhile, the rest of America's children, some of whom had humble spring break plans to ride in the family van to Washington DC, watch with their faces pressed against the wrought iron railing surrounding a closed White House.  These schoolchildren are the disappointed victims of a sequester decision Barack Obama made while Sasha and Malia were preparing to party their little hearts out on a trip financed mostly with taxpayer money. 
If anything, the life Sasha and Malia are living proves a few things - not about them, but about their parents - none of which are good.  Most specifically, the First Couple are either profoundly arrogant, profoundly stupid or, most probably, profoundly indifferent to the effect their behavior may have on their daughters.  Unfortunately, if Sasha and Malia Obama are truly learning what they live, then while their lives may be good in the material sense, the life lessons they're learning are not.
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3)Turkey and Israel: interests over grudges
By Smadar Bat Adam - Israel Hayom,  

Turkish media reported this week that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's apology has paved the way for a massive joint pipeline project carrying natural gas from Israel to Turkey and from there to Europe. There is no overestimating the influence joint economic interests can have on stable relations between countries.
It is said that during a private conversation, Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion once thanked French President Charles de Gaulle for France's help to Israel, attributing it to the strong alliance and friendship between the two countries. To which De Gaulle replied, “France has no friends, only interests.”
Turkey too has interests. Despite Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's seeming attempts in recent years to turn Israel from a friend to an enemy, especially since the Mavi Marmara incident, it turns out that our common economic interests have been maintained and even gained momentum. It would be safe to say that beneath the outward hostility, a lot of positive energy has been flowing between the two countries.
Energy, as in energy markets, that is. Over six months ago a modest ceremony was held at the Azrieli Center, during which the Edeltech Group Ltd. marked the securing of financing for two electricity cogeneration power plants in Ashdod and Ramat Negev. These stations are expected to produce about 200 megawatts, on top of the 830 megawatts to be produced by the Dorad power plant in Ashkelon, which is in the final stages of construction.
Two additional power plants are in the offing, Solad and Tamar, which will add about 200 megawatts to the market. Together, these power plants would increase Israel's electricity producing ability by about 10 percent.
The senior partner of Edeltech, Ahmet Zorlu, is the owner of Zorlu Holding, the second largest holding company in Turkey. Zorlu of course took part in the ceremony, along with his partners and family members. Israel's success is his gain. Every intelligent person knows that Zorlu, like many others who do business in Israel, invests his money in Israel with the permission of the Turkish government. Zorlu Holding is the company that, along with Edeltech Group Ltd., has pushed for the pipeline exporting gas from Israel to Turkey. If and when it is established, the pipeline could carry gas worth $5 billion to $6 billion per year. Turkey would benefit from the ready availability of gas it lacks at present, as well as earn money from the transport of gas to Europe. Israel would benefit from an efficient, quick and cheap solution compared to the alternative, which involves liquefying gas for export.
The economic advantage is clear, as are the strategic and diplomatic advantages. We should remember that the East Mediterranean Gas Company's agreement to sell gas by pipeline from Egypt to Israel is considered the anchor of our relations with that country. The weakness of the agreement from Israel's point of view is that Egypt has control over the gas valve. The great thing about the Israeli-Turkish pipeline is that both countries have control. Israel has the right to open and close the valve while Turkey controls access to Europe. This is a win-win situation.
When President Barack Obama melted our hearts with his statement “you are not alone,” he repeated De Gaulle's lesson to Ben-Gurion: Countries do not have friends or enemies, they have interests. Obama made the phone call, Netanyahu said what was required, and Erdoğan played hard to get. Thank God common interests prevailed, and the new pipeline will transport an abundance of positive energy.


3a)Jordan's King Warns Obama; America Backs Muslim Brotherhood Agent as Syria's Next Ruler
By Barry Rubin -

”Don’t scare anyone. But once you gain ground then move ahead. You must utilize as many people as possible who may be of use to us.”
       –Joseph Stalin to future Communist dictator of Hungary Mattyas Rakosi, December 5, 1944.
It really isn't too hard to understand what is happening in the Middle East if you watch the facts.
1. Jordan's King Abdallah, who President Barack Obama just visited, is clearly telling us what's going wrong: that the Muslim Brotherhood is dangerous and so why is the United States supporting it? Presumably, this is what Abdallah told Obama.
2. U.S. policy is now escalating support for a Muslim Brotherhood regime in Syria and the Syrian rebels increasingly have open Brotherhood leadership.
3. Repression is gradually escalating in Egypt with arrests of moderates, Islamists being sent to the military academy, and many more measures.
Regarding Jordan, Jeffrey Goldberg's has done an extremely valuable profile of Abdullah. The Jordanian monarch is telling Western visitors that their countries are making a big mistake by supporting the Islamists. He complains that the U.S. State Department is ignoring his complaints and that U.S. officials are telling him, “The only way you can have democracy is through the Muslim Brotherhood.”
He responds that the Brotherhood wants to impose anti-American reactionary governments and that his “major fight” is to stop them. No margin may be left for relative moderate and pro-American states between a Sunni Islamist alliance led by Egypt and including Turkey versus a Shia Islamist alliance led by Iran says Abdallah and he's right. The only difference, Abdallah explains, between the Turkish and Egyptian regimes are their timetables for installing dictatorships. Egypt's new president, says the king, is obsessed with a hostile view of Israel.
Here's the delicious irony! Last August the Jordanian Prime Minister Fayez Tarawneh  launched a ferocious personal attack on me. Why? Because I said that the Sunni-Shia battle was going to replace the Arab-Israeli conflict. Well, that's what his king just said! LOL.
Meanwhile, while President Barack Obama was love-bombing Israel during his visit, U.S. policy was helping to install a Muslim Brotherhood supporter as the putative next leader of Syria. Obama’s strategy is, with appropriate adjustments to the national scene, the same as his disastrous policy in Egypt.
The new leader of the opposition coalition is Ghassan Hitto, an obscure figure who has been long-resident in the United States. His actual election contained two hints:
–He only received 35 votes from 63 members of the Syrian National Coalition. That show of support matches the number of Muslim Brotherhood’s supporters there.
–Only 48 out of the 63 even cast a ballot at all, showing lack of enthusiasm and possible U.S. pressure on groups to abstain rather than oppose Hitto.
During the Cold War, American policy toward Third World countries frequently looked for a “third way” democratic alternative, leaders who were neither Communists nor right-wing authoritarians. Today, however, the Obama Administration doesn’t do the equivalent at all, despite pretenses to the contrary. Rather it seeks leadership from the most seemingly moderate people who represent Islamist groups. Of course, this moderation is largely deceptive.
That was the pattern in Egypt; now it is the same failed strategy in Syria.  Hitto is a typical example of such a person. He has lived in the United States and went to university there, so presumably knows America and has become more moderate by living there. He is involved in hi-tech enterprises so supposedly he is a modern type of guy. Remember how now-dictator of Syria Bashar al-Assad was lavishly praised because he studied and lived in London and was supposedly interested in Internet?
In addition, nobody has (yet) come up with an outrageous Hitto statement. His ties to the Brotherhood are not so blatant—even though they are obvious—that the Obama Administration and the mass media cannot deny and ignore them.
Yet the connections between Hitto and the Muslim Brotherhood—and those are only the ones documented quickly following his election—are extensive.
–He is founder of the Muslim Legal Fund of America, largely directed by Muslim Brotherhood people..
–He was a secretary-treasurer of the American Middle Eastern League for Palestine (AMELP), which is closely linked to the Islamic Association of Palestine (IAP), which supports Hamas and terrorism against Israel.
–Hitto was vice president of the CAIR Dallas/Fort Worth chapter and director of the Muslim American Society (MAS) Youth Center of Dallas which was a Muslim Brotherhood front group.
The list goes on and on.
As if to sum up the situation, Hassan Hassan of the United Arab Emirates newspaper The National, wrote an article entitled “How the Muslim Brotherhood Hijacked Syria’s Revolution.”
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4)Looking for Leadership

A disordered world devoid of U.S. leadership is not going to produce peace and prosperity.

By Daniel Henninger

The upwelling of support for the new pope, Francis, was about more than the Catholic Church. It reflected a felt need that what the secular world could use now, but does not have, is leadership. It is a yearning born of experience: When poorly led, the world tends toward disorder.
The one we've got just now looks to be coming under an unhealthy amount of negative pressure all at once—from the Middle East to the South China Sea to the Korean peninsula, atop a never-ending European financial crisis and a building fiscal crisis in the U.S. Scan the political horizon for a significant head of state willing or able to lead in this moment and you will see no one.

President Obama, for reasons of policy and personality, is inclined not to step forward, but to step back. Germany'sAngela Merkel presides over a great nation whose people have little stomach to lead anything ever again. In Tony Blair and David Cameron, Britain has had two recent prime ministers who've been eloquent on the goals of world leadership; but persistent national economic drift diminishes their authority, as it does Japan's.
Hopes for a leadership role from post-Soviet Russia have vanished amid what looks to be Vladimir Putin's genetic authoritarianism. Last week, Mr. Putin without irony rolled out uniformed men on horseback to greet new President Xi Jinping of China, the latest head of the world's oldest Communist party. Patching cracks in the party's legitimacy occupies the best energies of what one may loosely call China's leadership.

Does it matter, or can the world muddle through? A fair portion of the U.S. population spent many evenings recently watching "Downton Abbey" on PBS and "Parade's End" on HBO. Both British series resurrected the savage, senseless slaughter called World War I. In last weekend's Wall Street Journal, the reviewer of a new history of World War I, which plumbs the continuing mystery of why that war seems to have just happened, described how nations across Europe were led by men with feckless ambitions or diminished authority.
This isn't to suggest that a leadership vacuum inevitably fills with wars that spread across many borders. Let's just say there's not much precedent for the assumption that a global vacuum of leadership will fill with peace and prosperity.
The pope, however terrific this one may become, can't go it alone. John Paul II resisted Soviet communism, but he had Ronald Reagan and Maggie Thatcher riding shotgun. Even non-fans of Reagan and Thatcher will admit that whatever else, they led. And because they were willing to lead in the 1980s, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl rose in stature to stand with them. Leadership at the top begets leadership below. And its opposite.

We are led today in a different way. Barack Obama has dedicated his presidency to revising the internal political and economic order of the United States. He wants to create a permanent progressive majority. Whatever one thinks of this, it is a heavy lift. When something as pedestrian as a budget sequester arrived, the president left Washington to fly around the country delivering speeches whose purpose, as widely reported, was to marginalize his opponents.
Populism is a full-time job. The payoff is the possibility of accumulating great political power. But a populist movement led by an American president runs two big risks. It alienates the other U.S. party. And it ignores the rest of the world, for which a busy populist has little time or interest. Barack Obama is in the red zone with both risks.
Syria's war, kept on Mr. Obama's back burner, is destabilizing an already disordered region. North Korea's Kim Jong Eun is escalating tensions with South Korea and the U.S. to a startling degree. Iran's bomb program spins forward. And it is disturbing to see a flyspeck like Cyprus so unsettle Europe's financial leadership at this late stage of the challenge to the euro-based system. All these matters have been treated so far with degrees of U.S. diffidence.

If in the next four years one of them falls over into a world crisis demanding big leadership, Mr. Obama is going to need the support of Mitch McConnell, John Boehner and the rest of the Republican Party in Washington. Conventional wisdom holds that at crunchtime, it will always be there. But the Rand Paul filibuster challenging the president's authority, its merits aside, makes clear that this bipartisan bond is broken, and at an increasingly dangerous moment. (Of course the bipartisan breakdown began in the previous presidency.)
Barack Obama may be smart, but he isn't very wise. A wise or shrewder president would change course on his relations with Republican leaders because if the left-alone world blows and goes looking to him for leadership, he's going to need them, like it or not.
But he doesn't like it, so he probably won't.

4a)The (Longest) Road to Damascus

Obama begins to see the cost of doing nothing in Syria.


So now—24 months, 70,000 deaths and 500,000-plus refugees later—President Obama is contemplating a Syria policy that amounts to something other than determined inaction. The Administration's initial argument was that U.S. involvement would intensify the violence within Syria, strengthen the hand of extremists, extend Bashar Assad's political lease on life, and turn a civil war into a regional crisis.
That being exactly what has come to pass, Mr. Obama wants a course correction. A small one. In nautical terms, we're talking a half-point to starboard.
Specifically, the President is said to favor slightly beefing up the not-so-covert CIA assistance to secular Syrian rebels, which so far has amounted to some military training, to include actionable intelligence sharing. He also wants the State Department to coordinate overall regional assistance to the rebels, and to help with governance in Syrian areas under rebel control.
But Mr. Obama remains firmly opposed to providing arms to the rebels, much less involving U.S. military forces directly. His greatest fear, according to someone whose job it is to publicize authorized leaks from the government, is that too much involvement will require Mr. Obama to "own" the Syria problem in a way that will come to define the remainder of his Presidency.

We hate to break it to the Administration's Boswells, but Mr. Obama has owned the Syria debacle from Day One of the uprising, and even before it. The President came to office determined to improve relations with the Syrian dictator. That effort was unofficially led by then-Senator John Kerry, who once praised Mr. Assad as a man who had been "very generous with me." It took five months for the Administration to call for Mr. Assad to go, though it has since done nothing to make that happen.
As we warned last July ("The Syrian Civil War," July 19, 2012), "the cost of U.S. inaction carries a fast-rising price. . . . The longer we fail to step in, the harder it becomes to shape the outcome in Syria."

At the time, the war had resulted in 112,000 refugees and an estimated 17,000 fatalities, a fraction of the current figures. Mr. Assad had not yet begun firing ballistic missiles against Syrian cities. Iraq was only beginning to slide into its current de facto pro-Assad/pro-Iran posture. The al Qaeda-linked al Nusra Front was only six months old and hadn't gained its current strength or popular cachet as a Syrian rebel force. Israel hadn't yet been drawn in with air strikes against weapons moving from Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon.
All these trends will worsen, perhaps dramatically, without a serious U.S. effort to overthrow the Assad regime. Yet the Administration continues to point to the risks of any involvement, such as the fear that U.S. arms might fall into the hands of bad guys. That's a real risk, but the weapons are flowing anyway. The difference is that today we have little sway over where any weapons go.

The U.S. could boost its diplomatic leverage with the rebels and their regional allies by enforcing no-fly zones over portions of Syria. That would help prevent the regime from using its attack jets and helicopter gunships against civilian targets while allowing insurgents to consolidate and extend their territorial gains. It also means we could use limited force in a way that strengthens the hand of rebels we support at the expense of those we don't.

The U.S. could also follow last week's call by Senators John McCain and Carl Levin for targeted air strikes against Mr. Assad's air force and Scud missile batteries. We should add that such a use of force would require Mr. Obama to persuade Congress and the American public that it is in the national interest, something he has rarely tried to do even when 100,000 U.S. troops were in Afghanistan.

Nobody is arguing for American boots on the ground, but the sooner Mr. Assad falls the easier it will be to prevent the various nightmare scenarios that are becoming more likely. Among those scenarios: the disintegration of the Syrian state into warring ethnic enclaves; revenge killings amounting to genocide against Mr. Assad's Allawite sect; the spillover of war into Lebanon, Jordan or Iraq; the further empowerment of al Nusra and similar jihadists; the seizure by parties unknown of Syria's chemical weapons stocks; or the breakout of a pan-regional Shiite-Sunni conflict.
Mr. Obama may imagine that his only foreign policy problems are those he chooses to touch. If he were Prime Minister of New Zealand, that might be true. But that's not how the world works. Sooner or later the world's biggest problems always land on an American President's desk. The catastrophe in Syria is unfolding on his watch, and history will judge him not merely on how he acts, but on how he has refused to act.
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Where Is Ole Bunker When We Need Him?




















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I love Archie Bunker so here is another video:


Archie Bunker and the Nurse



Archie gets prepared for his surgery by his Doctor.  Hilarious scene!











Wonder what ole Archie would have to say about radical Muslims?  

Is Kara Davis a black female equivalent of Archie?

Kara Davis website http://kiradavis.net/...she is an angry black women who gets it loud and clear. She expresses her dissatisfaction in American's direction the way many of us feel
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Victor Hanson on Iraq. (See 1 below.)


Reversing Iraq damage, can it be done?

I do not deny there was damage done by GW vis a vis Iraq but more damage probably was done by Obama's prompt withdrawal and total abdication.  (See 1a below.)
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What the hell is wrong with illiberal educators?  Have they gone completely off their rocker as they worship at the idol of PC'ism?  (See 2 below)
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Russia is supporting Assad in Syria, yet The Saudis are supplying the rebels with Russian equipment to defeat Assad.  (See 3 below.)
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A Stratfor analyst discusses Israel's concerns about Assad and their future relationship with a post Assad Syria.  (See 4 below)
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Krauthammer's take on what happened in Jerusalem. (See 5 below.)
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Dick

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1)Iraq A Convenient SCAPEGOAT
By Victor David Hanson





Bring up Iraq -- and expect to end up in an argument. Conservatives are no different from liberals in rehashing the unpopular war, which has become a sort of whipping boy for all our subsequent problems.
The Wall Street Journal columnist Peggy Noonan recently enumerated countless pathologies that followed Iraq. Yet to examine her list is to learn just how misinformed we have become in our anguish over the intervention.
Noonan writes of Republicans: "It [Iraq] ruined the party's hard-earned reputation for foreign-affairs probity. They started a war and didn't win it."
We can argue over whether the result of the war was worth the cost. But by January 2009, the enemy was defeated. There was a consensual government in Iraq, there were few monthly American casualties, and there was a plan to leave a small constabulary force to ensure stability and the sanctity of Iraqi borders and airspace.
Noonan adds that, "It muddied up the meaning of conservatism and bloodied up its reputation," citing as proof the preferable and prudent foreign policy of Ronald Reagan.
But Reagan had his own foreign policy problems. Do we remember Iran-Contra, when some in the Reagan administration recklessly and illegally facilitated the sale of weapons to a terrorist Iranian government -- a crime that stained conservative credence on anti-terrorism for years to come?
That libertarians, paleo-cons, neo-cons and the Republican establishment all argued over Iraq was natural -- in the manner that the often "muddied" party split over interventions in Korea, Vietnam, the Balkans and Libya.
Noonan believes that Iraq "ended the Republican political ascendance that had begun in 1980." Hardly. Bill Clinton did that in 1992, when he defeated once-popular incumbent Republican George H.W. Bush, then was re-elected for a second term. Al Gore won the popular vote over George W. Bush in 2000.
In truth, there is rarely either a Republican or Democratic long-term ascendance, mandate or much of anything -- other than the natural challenge and response of politics. Iraq became unpopular and was helping Democrats by 2006. Yet the specter of Obamacare in 2010 -- and its reality in 2014 -- may foster an even more influential swing back in public opinion.
Did Iraq alone really undermine "respect for Republican economic stewardship," as Noonan suggests? The war may have cost $1 trillion over a decade. Yet from 2001 to 2008, a Republican president (with help from a Republican-majority Congress for six years), ran up $4 trillion in debt -- at that time the largest borrowing of any two-term administration in the nation's history.
At most, Iraq contributed to 25 percent of that aggregate debt. The vast expansion in the size of the federal government and domestic spending levels not only eroded "respect for Republican economic stewardship" but discredited the Bush tax cuts, which, we seem to have forgotten, resulted in more, not less, aggregate federal revenue.
Noonan thinks Iraq "killed what remained of the Washington Republican establishment." But George W. Bush was always seen more as an evangelical Texas heretic -- his war opposed by most of his father's establishment Cabinet and, eventually, the Colin Powell moderate wing of the party.
Instead, what killed off the blueblood establishment (if it is indeed dead) and spawned the Tea Party was largely disagreement on issues such as federal spending, debt and deficits, the size of government, entitlements, guns, abortion and illegal immigration -- in which grassroots populists argued that Republicans had become not much different from Democrats.
Noonan finishes by stating that when she withdrew her support for the Iraq War in 2005, she was "wronger than some at the start, righter than some at the end."
The now-common confession of always opposing "some" is tantamount to tagging along with the majority who supported the war -- only to flip along with the majority when it did not.
By 2005, when Noonan gave up on Iraq, millions of Iraqis and Kurds were still very much invested in the U.S. effort to replace Saddam Hussein's regime with something better. Tens of thousands of Americans were fighting and dying for that shared goal.
We can perhaps admire either those who were consistently against the war when it was at first unpopular, or those who kept their support when it was even more unpopular. But how does political convenience -- in a war that hinged on the enemy destroying our morale -- translate into courage or wisdom?
Had we given up on the war in 2005, there would not be a viable Kurdistan today or any chance of a stable Iraq government. The reputation of the American military would have been shredded. For a power with global responsibilities, losing an unpopular war is even worse than fighting one.
There were plenty of mistakes made after the impressive three-week removal of Hussein -- the failure to re-employ disbanded Iraqi soldiers, the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib, the tenure of poor military leaders such as Gen. Ricardo Sanchez. Yet the 2007 surge orchestrated by Gen. David Petraeus to save Iraq was not one of them.
In short, blaming everything on Iraq is just as bad as blaming nothing on it.

1a)Can GOP Reverse the Damage Done by Iraq?


Is the Iraq war to blame for the mess we are in?
Now, I should qualify that question by explaining "mess" and "we." By "mess," I mean the dawn of Barack Obama's second term, the predictably catastrophic rollout of Obamacare, the exploding debt and deficit, the stimulus boondoggles, etc. By "we," I mean conservatives (particularly those, like me, who supported the war), but also anyone else who doesn't think Obama has done a bang-up job.
There seems to be a growing consensus that the answer to that question is "yes." In a recent column, the Washington Examiner's Philip Klein writes, "It's hard to see how Obamacare would have become law if Bush had never invaded Iraq." New York Times columnist Ross Douthat says the war is "responsible for liberalism's current political and cultural ascendance." In The Wall Street Journal, Peggy Noonan laments that the war "muddied up the meaning of conservatism and bloodied up its reputation." She even goes so far as to assert that the war "ended the Republican political ascendance that had begun in 1980."
Quibbles aside, their most basic claim seems irrefutable. Whatever defenses there may be for the Iraq war, it was a staggering political disaster for the Republican Party. Is that fair? Maybe -- or maybe not. As a matter of analysis, fair doesn't have much to do with it.
That the war became an albatross for the GOP -- particularly after so many pro-war Dems (like Hillary Clinton, John Kerry and Joe Biden) ran for the hills -- is undeniable.
The backlash against the war emboldened liberals and opened their minds and hearts to a vast new sense of what was possible. During George W. Bush's second term, liberals seemed to have lost the taste for cannibalism that had made the Democratic Party such a great spectator sport. Gone were the obsessions with factionalism and the hand-wringing squabbles about appealing to the center.
Younger liberals in particular had shed their disdain for the label "Democrat." Heck yeah, we're Democrats. We're "fighting Democrats," as the left-wing bloggers liked to say. And that was before the "historic" candidacy of Barack Obama, pitted first against the pro-war dinosaurs of the Democratic Party (again: Clinton, Biden), then against Sen. John McCain, an energetic elder statesman who was actually more pro-war than Bush himself.
Obviously, none of this means that if there had been no Iraq war, Republicans would be sitting pretty. As Douthat notes, we might be in the middle of a second Hillary Clinton term. But a Hillary Clinton administration, minus the legacy of the Iraq war, might have been a far sight more conservative -- and successful -- than the spectacle of the Obama years
The more interesting question is: "What do you do about it?"
One answer is for the GOP to do what it's been doing. Fight, squabble, debate and, ultimately, grope its way out of the ditch. The Republican National Committee's recent "autopsy" had many flaws, but the impulse for introspection was not one of them.
Some didn't even need a committee report. Whatever the merits of his positions, one has to admire the swiftness and alacrity of Sen. Rand Paul's positioning as a different kind of Republican.
Another (in no way exclusive) answer is to take a page from the Democrats.
If the Obama agenda has pulled the country leftward -- and I think it has -- that creates new opportunities for the GOP.
Obamacare, the stimulus and the various green-energy boondoggles are in no literal way like the Iraq war. But as a matter of politics, Obama's overreach is real. For instance, every promise the White House made about the Affordable Care Act has turned out to be untrue, overblown or misleading. It borrows vast sums to make the health-care system more onerous, complicated and expensive while still leaving 30 million uninsured.
The press coverage of this unfolding train wreck remains timid in a way that coverage of the war wasn't. The moment the mainstream media could get away with calling Iraq a "quagmire" it did. With Obamacare, much of the press is like Kevin Bacon trying to be a traffic cop in Animal House. It shouts "All is well!" even as it's being trampled by the crowd.
Sad as it may be to say so, the failure of Obamacare touches more people's lives directly than the war did, meaning the media filter matters less.
Politics is about moments and personalities. Just ask Obama. By all means the GOP should keep working out its own problems as best it can, but its practical salvation in the near term may just have to depend on the right candidate taking advantage of the right moment, which president Obama may just be kind enough to provide
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2) University Apologizes for Stomping Jesus


Florida Atlantic University has issued an apology for a classroom assignment that involving students writing the name “Jesus” on a sheet of paper and then stomping on the paper. The university also said the lesson will never again be used.
“We sincerely apologize for any offense this has caused,” the university said in a prepared statement. “Florida Atlantic University respects all religions and welcomes people of all faiths, backgrounds and beliefs.”
The university initially defended the Christ-bashing lesson which is included textbook titled, “Intercultural Communication: A Contextual Approach, 5th Edition.”
Fox News obtained a synopsis of the lesson taught by Deandre Poole, who also happens to be vice chair of the Palm Beach County Democratic Party.
“Have the students write the name JESUS in big letters on a piece of paper,” the lesson reads. “Ask the students to stand up and put the paper on the floor in front of them with the name facing up. Ask the students to think about it for a moment. After a brief period of silence instruct them to step on the paper. Most will hesitate. Ask why they can’t step on the paper. Discuss the importance of symbols in culture.”
Ryan Rotela, a devout Mormon, was in the classroom and refused to participate — telling television station WPEC that the assignment was insulting and offensive.
“He had us all stand up and he said ‘Stomp on it,’” Rotela said. “I picked up the paper from the floor and put it right back on the table. I’m not going to be sitting in a class having my religious rights desecrated.”
Rotela took his concerns to Poole’s supervisor – where he was promptly suspended from the class. The university denied that anyone was forced to participate.
“Contrary to some media reports, no students were forced to take part in the exercise; the instructor told all of the students in the class that they could choose whether or not to participate,” the university stated.
They also denied that anyone was punished.
“While we do not comment on personnel matters, and while student privacy laws prevent us from commenting on any specific student at the University, we can confirm that no student has been expelled, suspended or disciplined by the University as a result of any activity that took place during this class,” the university stated.”
This exercise will not be used again. The University holds dear its core values. We sincerely apologize for any offense this caused. Florida Atlantic University respects all religions and welcomes people of all faiths, backgrounds and beliefs.
Paul Kengor, the executive director of the Center for Vision and Values at Grove City College, told Fox News he’s not surprised by the classroom lesson.
“These are the new secular disciples of ‘diversity’ and ‘tolerance’ – empty buzzwords that make liberals and progressives feel good while they often refuse to tolerate and sometimes even assault traditional Christian and conservative beliefs,” Kengor said.
Kengor said classes like the one at Florida Atlantic University demonstrate the contempt many public institutions hold for people of faith.
“It also reflects the rising confidence and aggression of the new secularists and atheists, especially at our sick and surreal modern universities,” he said.
The university did not explain why students were only instructed to write the name of Jesus – and not the name of Mohammed or another religious figure.
“Gee, I wonder if the instructor would dare do this with the name of Mohammed,” Kengor wondered. Rotela said the idea of stomping on the name of Jesus was beyond his comprehension.
“Any time you stomp on something it shows you believe that it has no value,” he told the television station. “If you were to stomp on the word Jesus – it says the word has no value.”
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3)Saudi heavy weapons supply to Syrian rebels breaks up Arab summit in uproar


Syrian rebels fighting for control of the Syria’s biggest town, Aleppo, have obtained their first heavy weapons – 220-mm MLRS rocket launchers – through a large-scale supply operation run by Saudi intelligence chief Prince Bandar bin Sultan, according to exclusive intelligence sources.
His agents scoured the Balkans nations of Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo and for large wads of cash snapped up Russian-made MLRS (Smerch) and Hurricane 9K57 launchers capable of firing scores of 220-mm rockets to a distance of 70 kilometers.

The Saudis hope to expedite the rebel capture of the big Syrian Nairab air base attached to Aleppo’s international air port. The Saudi prince has personally taken the Nairab battle under his wing, convinced that it is the key to the conquest of Aleppo, once Syria's national commercial and population center, after more than a year’s impasse in the battle for its control.

The fall of this air base would also substantially reduce the big Iranian and Russian airlifts to Assad’s army.
Russia brings down its cargo planes loaded with weapons and replacement parts for the Syrian army at Nairab after the air facilities around Damascus were targeted by rebel fire. Moscow has since warned the rebels that if they attack incoming or outgoing Russian planes at Nairab, Russian special forces will come in to wipe out their strength around the base and take over its protection themselves.

Of late, Russian and Iranian arms lifts to Nairab were doubled, after rebels seized many Alawite villages in the Aleppo and Idlib regions of northern Syria.

Members of Bashar Assad’s Alawite sect, their inhabitants, mainly women and children, have been fleeing en masse from their homes in fear of rebel retribution. They are making for the coastal towns of Tartus and Latakia which are still under regime control.
The question is for how long. In the third week of March, Russian warships stopped docking at the naval port of Tartus after finding its piers and facilities crowded with Alawite refugees who came up to the Russian seamen begging for food, water and medical aid.
From March 21, Russian warships on the Mediterranean were ordered to avoid Tartus and relocate their visits to Lebanon’s Beirut port.

The Saudi operation for shipping heavy rocket launchers from the Balkans to Aleppo is complicated.
The rockets are fixed to vehicles weighing 43.7 tons each. The rockets themselves are 7.6 meters long and weigh 800 kilograms.

To arrange the transfer of this heavy artillery to the rebels in Aleppo, Prince Bandar contacted Hakan Fidan, head of the MIT-Turkish National Intelligence Organization. They agreed to set up an overland route from the Balkans via Turkey and across the Syrian border to Aleppo, under the protection of the Turkish army.

Ankara’s initial refusal of cooperation was overcome with a sharp reminder by Prince Bandar of the scale of Turkish exports to Saudi Arabia and the damage to the Turkish economy of their potential suspension.

The news that Saudi Arabia was supplying Syrian rebels with heavy weapons stunned the Arab League summit taking place in Doha, Qatar this week, bringing it to a clamorous end,intelligence and Middle East sources reveal.

Saudi and Qatari delegates were heard hurling shrill abuse at one another and exchanging blows in private meeting rooms down the corridors of the assembly hall. The conference proceedings were abruptly halted as Arab delegation members pitched in to separate them. A total blackout was quickly drawn down on the summit as it broke up in disarray.

The Saudi royal rulers and Qatar’s Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani have been at extreme loggerheads over the Syrian civil conflict. Riyadh - and Prince Bandar in particular - accuses the Qataris of conspiring to bring the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Damascus, including radical groups tied to Al Qaeda.

Qatari Prime Minister and Secret Service Chief Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem has shot back with the charge that Saudi Arabia is maneuvering for control of the Syrian rebel movement.

The Saudis condemn Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan's close ties with Qatar’s ruling family which they say eggs on Doha’s schemes for Syria.

For this reason, too, Bandar insisted on Turkey taking active part in facilitating the Balkan heavy arms route to Aleppo.
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4)Israel's Insightful Cynicism
By Robert Kaplan


Israel is in the process of watching a peace treaty unravel. I don't mean the one with Egypt, but the one with Syria. No, I'm not crazy. Since Henry Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy in 1974, the Israelis have had a de facto peace agreement of sorts with the al Assad family. After all, there were clear red lines that both sides knew they shouldn't cross, as well as reasonable predictability on both sides. Forget about the uplifting rhetoric, the requirement to exchange ambassadors and the other public policy frills that normally define peace treaties. What counts in this case is that both sides observed limits and constraints, so that the contested border between them was secure. Even better, because there was no formal peace agreement in writing, neither side had to make inconvenient public and strategic concessions. Israel did not have to give up the Golan Heights, for example. And if Syria stepped over a red line inLebanon, or say, sought a nuclear capacity as it did, Israel was free to punish it through targeted military strikes. There was usefully no peace treaty that Israel would have had to violate.
Of course, the Syrians built up a chemical arsenal and invited the Iranians all over their country and Lebanon. But no formal treaty in the real world -- given the nature of the Syrian regime -- would likely have prevented those things. In an imperfect world of naked power, the al Assads were at least tolerable. Moreover, they represented a minority sect, which prevented Syria from becoming a larger and much more powerful version of radical, Sunni Arab Gaza. In February 1993 in The Atlantic Monthly, I told readers that Syria was not a state but a writhing underworld of sectarian and ethnic divides and that the al Assads might exit the stage through an Alawite mini-state in the northwest of their country that could be quietly supported by the Israeli security services. That may yet come to pass.

Israeli political leaders may periodically tell the media that Bashar al Assad's days are numbered, but that does not necessarily mean Israelis themselves believe that is an altogether good scenario. Indeed, I strongly suspect that, for example, when the Israelis and the Russians meet, they have much in common regarding Syria. Russia is supporting the al Assad regime through arms transfers by sea and through Iraq andIran. Israelis may see some benefits in this. Russian President Vladimir Putin may actually enjoy his meetings with Israelis -- who likely don't lecture him about human rights and the evils of the al Assad regime the way the Americans do.

True, a post-al Assad Syria may undermine Iranian influence in the Levant, which would be a great benefit to Israel, as well as to theUnited States. On the other hand, a post-al Assad Syria will probably be an anarchic mess in which the Iranians will skillfully back proxy guerrilla groups and still be able to move weapons around. Again, al Assad is the devil you know. And the fact that he is no longer, functionally speaking, the president of Syria but, rather, the country's leading warlord, presents challenges that Israelis would prefer not to face.

What about Hezbollah, in this admittedly cynical Israeli view? Hezbollah is not a strategic threat to Israel. Hezbollah fighters are not about to march en masse over the border into Haifa and Tiberias. Anti-missile systems like Iron Dome and David's Sling could reasonably contain the military threat from the north. Then there are Israel's bomb shelters -- a one-time only expense. Hezbollah, moreover, needs Israel. For without a powerful Israel, Hezbollah would be robbed of the existential adversary that provides Hezbollah with its immense prestige in the Lebanese political universe, making Hezbollah so much more than just another Shiite group battling Sunnis.

Israel's war against Hezbollah in 2006 is known as a disaster. But it did have its positive side effects: Israel has had seven years of relative peace on its northern border, even as the war usefully exposed many inadequacies in the Israeli military and reserve system that had been building for years and were henceforth decisively repaired, making Israel stronger as a consequence.

Threats abound, truly. The collapse of the al Assad regime may lead to a weapons free-for-all -- just like in post-Gadhafi Libya -- that might force Israel to "mow the lawn" again in southern Lebanon. As for Hassan Nasrallah, the charismatic and capable Hezbollah leader, maybe he, too, is the devil you know, informally obeying red lines with Israel since 2006. Nasrallah appears to be less extreme than his deputy, Naim Qassim, who would take over if Nasrallah were ever assassinated by the Israelis, unless the Sunnis in a Lebanon and Syria thrown into utter, post-al Assad chaos assassinate him sooner.
Then there is Gaza: once again, like southern Lebanon, "mow the lawn" once or twice a decade, though this might be harder in a post-Arab Spring geopolitical environment because of the greater danger of unhinging Israeli-Egyptian relations. Still, in Gaza there is no existential threat, nor a real solution, regardless of what the diplomats say. Idealists in the West talk about peace; realists inside Israel talk about spacing out limited wars by enough years so that Israeli society can continue to thrive in the meantime. As one highly placed Israeli security analyst explained to me, the East Coast of the United States and the Caribbean have periodic hurricanes. After each one, people rebuild, even as they are aware that a decade or so down the road there will be another hurricane. Israel's wars are like that, he said.

But the Zionist dream lives on. Jerusalem and much of the rest of Israel are thriving. Light rail and pedestrian walkways make Jerusalem more vibrant than ever. The Arabs in the Old City survive well -- under the circumstances, that is -- on the "Jewish" side of the "fence," where the standard of living and quality of life is so much better than on the Arab side. The "fence" is both a monstrosity in abstract moralistic terms and a practical solution in an age of repeated diplomatic failure and fewer and fewer diplomatic opportunities. From 28 percent of the gross domestic product in the mid-1970s, Israeli military spending is down to between 6 and 8 percent of the country's GDP. Life is good in Israel. The unemployment rate is lower than in the United States and Europe, despite high housing costs and the need for reform in health care and education. One could argue that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu -- so vilified in the West -- has not handled the economy altogether badly.

But what about idealism? What about a better, more humane Middle East? What about the wise and talented statesmen who periodically see opportunities where others see none? What about slowing down Israel's drift to a quasi-Apartheid society, characterized by Israeli domination of the more numerous Arabs and something certainly not in Israel's interest? These are all real things to constantly keep in mind and to struggle for. But the Levant remains a zero-sum struggle for physical survival. So it is a place where there will always be benefits to dealing with strong dictators. Given their geographical circumstances, Israelis can be forgiven their cynicism.


Presently a real underlying worry for Israel appears to be Jordan. Yes, King Abdullah has so far expertly manipulated the growing unrest there, but to speculate about the collapse of the Hashemite dynasty is only prudent. More anarchy. More reason to heed Ariel Sharon's analysis of four decades ago to the effect that Jordan is the real Palestinian state, more so than the West Bank. And because Jordan and Saudi Arabia could conceivably unravel in coming decades, maybe Israel should seek to avoid attacking Iran -- which along with Israel is the only real state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Iranian Plateau. Iran may have a repulsive regime, but its society is probably healthier than most in the Arab world. So there is some hope.

You get the picture. Israel had a convenient situation for decades, surrounded as it was by stable Arab dictatorships. Israel could promote itself as the region's only real democracy, even as it quietly depended on the likes of Hosni Mubarak, the al Assad clan and the Hashemites to ensure order and more-or-less few surprises. Now dictators are falling and anarchy is on the rise. Fighting state armies of the kind that the Arab dictators built in wars in 1948, 1956, 1967 and 1973 was simpler compared totoday's wars: Because the Arabs never really believed in their dysfunctional states, they didn't always fight very well in state-organized formations. But sub-state militaries like Hezbollah and Hamas have been more of a challenge. In the old days, Israel could destroy an Egyptian air force on the ground and solve its security dilemma in the south. Nowadays, to repeat, there are no solutions for Israel: only sub-state adversaries that hide among civilian concentrations in order to attack your own civilian concentrations. No peace ever, therefore, just periodic wars, hopefully spaced-out.

The Middle East today has turned out perfectly if you are a Jewish West Bank settler. The divisions within Palestinian ranks, coupled with the increasing anarchy of the Arab world, mean the opportunities for territorial concessions on Israel's part have diminished. In fact, Israel's only option may be more unilateral withdrawals. That is probably the only thing the settlers have to worry about.
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5)What really happened in Jerusalem

“I honestly believe that if any Israeli parent sat down with those [Palestinian] kids, they’d say, ‘I want these kids to succeed.’ ”

Very true. But how does the other side feel about Israeli kids?
Consider that the most revered parent in Palestinian society is Mariam Farhat of Gaza. Her distinction? Three of her sons died in various stages of trying to kill Israelis — one in a suicide attack, shooting up and hurling grenades in a room full of Jewish students.
She gloried in her “martyr” sons, wishing only that she had 100 boys like her schoolroom suicide attacker to “sacrifice . . . for the sake of God.” And for that she was venerated as “mother of the struggle,” elected to parliament and widely mourned upon her recent passing.
So much for reciprocity. In the Palestinian territories, streets, public squares, summer camps, high schools, even a kindergarten are named after suicide bombers and other mass murderers. So much for the notion that if only Israelis would care about Arab kids, peace would be possible.
That hasn’t exactly been the problem. Israelis have wanted nothing more than peace and security for all the children. That’s why they accepted the 1947 U.N. partition of British Palestine into a Jewish and Arab state. Unfortunately — another asymmetry — the Arabs said no. To this day, the Palestinians have rejected every peace offer that leaves a Jewish state standing.
This is not ancient history. Yasser Arafat said no at Camp David in 2000 and at Taba in 2001. And in 2008, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert offered a Palestinian state on all of the West Bank (with territorial swaps) with its capital in a shared Jerusalem. Mahmoud Abbas walked away.
In that same speech, Obama blithely called these “missed historic opportunities” that should not prevent peace-seeking now. But these “missed historic opportunities” are not random events. They present an unbroken, unrelenting pattern over seven decades of rejecting any final peace with Israel.
So what was the point of Obama’s Jerusalem speech encouraging young Israelis to make peace, a speech the media drooled over? It was mere rhetoric, a sideshow meant to soften the impact on the Arab side of the really important event of Obama’s trip: the major recalibration of his position on the peace process.
Obama knows that peace talks are going nowhere. First, because there is no way that Israel can sanely make concessions while its neighborhood is roiling and unstable — the Muslim Brotherhood taking over Egypt, rockets being fired from Gaza, Hezbollah brandishing 50,000 missiles aimed at Israel, civil war raging in Syria with its chemical weapons and rising jihadists, and Iran threatening openly to raze Tel Aviv and Haifa.
Second, peace is going nowhere because Abbas has shown Obama over the past four years that he has no interest in negotiating. Obama’s message to Abbas was blunt: Come to the table without preconditions, i.e., without the excuse of demanding a settlement freeze first.
Obama himself had contributed to this impasse when he imposed that precondition — for the first time ever in the history of Arab-Israeli negotiations — four years ago. And when Israel responded with an equally unprecedented 10-month settlement freeze, Abbas didn’t show up to talk until more than nine months in — then walked out, never to return.
In Ramallah last week, Obama didn’t just address this perennial Palestinian dodge. He demolished the very claim that settlements are the obstacle to peace. Palestinian sovereignty and Israeli security are “the core issue,” he told Abbas. “If we solve those two problems, the settlement problem will be solved.”
Finally. Presidential validation of the screamingly obvious truism: Any peace agreement will produce a Palestinian state with not a single Israeli settlement remaining on its territory. Any settlement on the Palestinian side of whatever border is agreed upon will be demolished. Thus, any peace that reconciles Palestinian statehood with Israeli securityautomatically resolves the settlement issue. It disappears.
Yes, Obama offered the ritual incantations about settlements being unhelpful. Nothing new here. He could have called them illegal or illegitimate. It wouldn’t have mattered — because Obama officially declared them irrelevant.
Exposing settlements as a mere excuse for the Palestinian refusal to negotiate — that was the news, widely overlooked, coming out of Obama’s trip. It was a breakthrough.
Will it endure? Who knows. But when an American president so sympathetic to the Palestinian cause tells Abbas to stop obstructing peace with that phony settlement excuse, something important has happened. Abbas, unmasked and unhappy, knows this better than anyone.
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