In 1995, the Cato Institute published a groundbreaking study, The Work vs. Welfare Trade-Off, which estimated the value of the full package of welfare benefits available to a typical recipient in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. It found that not only did the value of such benefits greatly exceed the poverty level but, because welfare benefits are tax-free, their dollar value was greater than the amount of take-home income a worker would receive from an entry-level job.
Since then, many welfare programs have undergone significant change, including the 1996 welfare reform legislation that ended the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program and replaced it with the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families program. Accordingly, this paper examines the current welfare system in the same manner as the 1995 paper. Welfare benefits continue to outpace the income that most recipients can expect to earn from an entry-level job, and the balance between welfare and work may actually have grown worse in recent years.
The current welfare system provides such a high level of benefits that it acts as a disincentive for work. Welfare currently pays more than a minimum-wage job in 35 states, even after accounting for the Earned Income Tax Credit, and in 13 states it pays more than $15 per hour. If Congress and state legislatures are serious about reducing welfare dependence and rewarding work, they should consider strengthening welfare work requirements, removing exemptions, and narrowing the definition of work. Moreover, states should consider ways to shrink the gap between the value of welfare and work by reducing current benefit levels and tightening eligibility requirements.
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Although widely unacknowledged, Israel's alleged nuclear weapons represent a critical impediment to the actual military use of nuclear weapons, and to the commencement of a regional nuclear war.

View of the Israeli nuclear facility in the Negev outside Dimona  (Photo by: REUTERS)
Each year, like clockwork, Israel's enemies advance high-sounding proposals for a nuclear-weapons free-zone in the Middle East. Although, at first hearing, such “Geneva” proposals sound eminently fair and reasonable, in fact, they point to meticulously calculated reconfigurations of regional power that would endanger only Israel. Incontestably, once bereft of its nuclear forces, whether newly-disclosed or still in the metaphoric “basement,” the Jewish State would be left entirely to the tender mercies of its most refractory adversaries.

Whether singly or in some combination, these determined foes would then emerge with substantially greater destructive capacities than Israel.

From the very beginning, Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, had understood the absurdity of seeking to protect a beleaguered state smaller than America's Lake Michigan with ordinary conventional forces. Fully exploiting the new state's unique intellectual power, some dramatic force equalizer would be needed, figured Ben-Gurion. This equalizer, of course, would quickly become the Israeli Bomb.

To be sure, even now, the credibility of Israel's  nuclear deterrent could still be enhanced further, that is, if certain incremental steps were taken to end the longstanding policy of “deliberate ambiguity.” But more about such steps in a moment.

Today, with Iran’s effectively unopposed nuclearization, and also the consequent Saudi and Egyptian inclinations toward “going nuclear” themselves, an  eventual nuclear war, or even a “bolt-from-the-blue” nuclear attack, cannot simply be ruled out. This means, among other things, that strategic planners in Tel-Aviv will need to continually augment operational strategies of nuclear deterrence with apt kinds of diplomacy, ballistic missile defense, and also certain plausibly alternative forms of preemption. This last option could take the form of nuanced cyber-attacks, or even selective regime-change interventions that would fall short of outright war.

Jurisprudentially, any or all of these alternative kinds of preemption could be considered as legitimate expressions of “anticipatory self-defense.” International law, after all, is never a suicide pact. In law, no country is ever obligated to sit back, and wait passively to be attacked. This argument can be found as far back as the Hebrew Bible (Deuteronomy),  and has been an integral part of customary international law since the classic case of The Caroline in 1837.

There is a related issue for Israel, one that military planners would properly designate under the heading of “synergies.” This issue concerns the ongoing question of Palestinian statehood. As US President Barack Obama and his Secretary of State proceed with their particular interpretation of the Middle East Peace Process, an independent state of Palestine will sometime be carved out of the still-living body of Israel. This 23rd Arab state could unhesitatingly become an optimal platform for future war and terror against Israel. Ironically, any such development could create corollary security threats to the much larger United States.

President Obama still seeks “a world free of nuclear weapons.” Significantly, the worst-case existential threat posed by a Palestinian state would require some antecedent forms of Israeli nuclear disarmament, precisely the forms associated with unceasing calls for a Middle East Nuclear Weapons Free-Zone. And once an enemy state and its allies believed that Israel had been bent sufficiently to “nonproliferation” demands,  adversarial military strategies could progress more-or-less seamlessly, from terror to war, and from attrition to annihilation.

Any ill-considered Israeli moves toward denuclearization could remove that tiny country’s last critical barrier to national survival. This would be the case even if all of Israel's national adversaries were somehow to remain non-nuclear themselves. As Prussian military theorist Carl von Clausewitz (1780 – 1831) argued in his classic text, On War, there can readily come a time when “mass counts.”

Israel's unilateral nuclear disarmament is improbable, but it is not inconceivable. Certain of the country's leading academic strategists continue to openly make this sort of disingenuous argument. I have debated them myself on the pages of Harvard University’s authoritative journal, International Security.

For many well-intentioned observers, it is difficult to imagine nuclear weapons as anything other than inherently evil. Nonetheless, there are identifiable circumstances wherein a particular state's possession of such weapons may be all that protects it from war or genocide. Because such weapons may effectively deter international aggression, at least in those cases where the prospective aggressor remains rational, their possession could also protect neighboring states, both friends and foes, from war-related, or even nuclear-inflicted, harms.

President Obama, not all members of the Nuclear Club need be a security menace. Some may offer a distinct and clear benefit to world peace and security. This point should already be obvious to everyone who can remember the Cold War.

Should Israel be deprived of its alleged nuclear forces for any reason, the Jewish State could become vulnerable to overwhelming attacks from certain enemy states. Although such existential vulnerabilities might be prevented, in principle, by instituting parallel forms of chemical/biological weapons disarmament among these foes, such steps would never actually be taken. Verification of compliance in these matters is exceedingly difficult, and such verification would become even more problematic wherever several enemy states would be involved.

President  Obama misunderstands. Nuclear weapons are not the problem per se.  In the Middle East, the core problem remains a far-reaching and unreconstructed Jihadist commitment to “excise the Jewish cancer.” This commitment is more-or-less common to both adversarial Sunni Arab nations, and to Shiite Iran.

The western democracies  should finally understand that the Road Map to Peace in the Middle East is little more than a pragmatic enemy expedient. In essence, it represents a nicely-phrased cartographic stratagem that is designed to weaken Israel, in “stages,” ultimately to the breaking point, a position where it can no longer endure.  

With its nuclear weapons, even if held ambiguously in the “basement,” Israel might still be able to deter enemy unconventional attacks, and most large conventional aggressions. With such weapons, Israel, when operationally capable, could also launch certain non-nuclear preemptive strikes against enemy state hard targets. Without these weapons, any such acts of anticipatory self-defense would likely represent the onset of a much wider war. This is because there would no longer be any persuasive threat of an Israeli counter retaliation.    

Although widely unacknowledged, Israel's nuclear weapons represent a critical impediment to the actual military use of nuclear weapons, and to the commencement of a regional nuclear war. They must, therefore,  remain at the very center of Israel's security policy, and must also be guided by a continuously updated and refined national strategic doctrine. Essential elements of such doctrine should include a carefully calibrated end to “deliberate ambiguity,” more recognizable emphases on  “counter value” or counter-city targeting, and sufficiently compelling evidence of secure “triad” nuclear forces that are also presumed capable of penetrating any foreseeable aggressor's active defenses.

Israel's latest efforts at diversified sea-basing of nuclear retaliatory forces are costly, but prudent. Similarly important will be meeting certain operational requirements for the Israel Air Force. In order to prepare for anticipated strikes at distances of approximately 1,000 kilometers, whether preemptive, retaliatory, or counter-retaliatory, the IAF now needs the “full envelope” of air refueling capabilities, upgraded satellite communications,  state-of-the-art  electronic warfare technologies, armaments fully appropriate to inflicting maximum target damage, and the latest-generation UAVs to accompany selected missions.

In the Middle East, Israel's nuclear weapons represent an absolutely indispensable impediment to enemy aggressions and nuclear war. With this in mind, Washington should openly reject the utterly shallow presidential mantra of a “world free of nuclear weapons,” and support instead an abundantly strong and secure nuclear Israel.
LOUIS RENÉ BERES (Ph.D., Princeton, 1971) is the author of many books and articles dealing with nuclear strategy and nuclear war. Professor of Political Science and International Law at Purdue for forty-three years, he was Chair of Project Daniel (Israel, 2003).  Professor Beres is a frequent contributor to such publications as The Jerusalem Post; The Atlantic; US News & World Report; The Harvard National Security Journal; The Brown Journal of World Affairs; The Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs; The International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence; Herzliya Conference Working Papers; Ha'aretz; and Israel National News. Dr. Beres was born in Zürich, Switzerland, on August 31, 1945.
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THE "50 WHO SHAPED BIRMINGHAM" FEATURE CONCLUDES WITH ITS TOP FIVE.
David Vann being interviewed by Spike Lee for the film "Four Little Girls."
DAVID VANN BEING INTERVIEWED BY SPIKE LEE FOR THE FILM “FOUR LITTLE GIRLS.”
Over the past three weeks, Weld’s review of the “50 Who Shaped Birmingham” has counted down from Number 50 (James Hatcher) to Number 6 (Sidney Smyer). This week, it’s the top five most influential people in Birmingham’s history. For more on those who made it, those who didn’t and the compilation of the list in general, click here.
5. David Vann
Name a watershed moment for Birmingham between the early 1960s and the early 1990s, and David Vann was at, or very near, the center of it.
In 1962, Vann — then in his mid-30s, a brilliant and liberal-minded young attorney who had come to work in Birmingham after clerking for United States Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black — had moved into a leadership role with the Young Men’s Business Club, a progressive civic group. Recruited by bellwether business leader Sidney Smyer, Vann and YMBC led the petition drive and subsequent successful referendum to change Birmingham’s form of city government. Five months later, the voters of Birmingham rejected Bull Connor at the ballot box.
In the pivotal year of 1963, Vann mediated and acted as high-level go-between in the delicate negotiations that involved Birmingham’s business and civic elite, local and national Civil Rights leaders and top officials of the Kennedy administration. Those negotiations produced the “Accord of Conscience” that ended weeks of Civil Rights demonstrations in the city by committing key businesses to begin dismantling segregation. Vann then became an assistant to new Birmingham Mayor Albert Boutwell, who had defeated Connor in an April runoff election.
In 1970-71, Vann was the driving force behind the most ambitious attempt ever to eradicate political boundaries in Jefferson County. Working with business leaders like retailer Richard Pizitz, banking executive Norman Pless, accountant Donald Brabston and lawyer Jim White, Vann pushed a plan that would have expanded the boundaries of the city of Birmingham to encompass almost all of Jefferson County, including “all of its surrounding suburban cities.”
“Our proposal is a dramatic one,” Vann said in one speech. “It is simply an effort to express as a political reality the true city that we have become…consolidating all of our human, leadership and revenue resources.”
One Great City died in a committee of the Alabama Legislature in the spring of 1971. Vann viewed it as Birmingham’s “last chance” to fulfill its destiny by uniting the political, economic and social futures of all of its citizens.
Elected to the Birmingham City Council later that same year, Vann quickly formed a political alliance and personal friendship with fellow freshman councilor Richard Arrington Jr. In 1975, strong support from white liberals and black voters — the latter due in no small part to Arrington’s endorsement — was the core of a coalition that put Vann into the mayor’s office.
As mayor, Vann had trouble holding that coalition together. In a 2005 interview, Arrington pointed out the dilemma Vann confronted.
“David was a liberal, very much so by Birmingham standards,” said Arrington. “The die-hard conservative elements in city politics, they absolutely hated him. As mayor, he tried to bridge that by adopting a more conservative posture on some things.”
One such political shift by Vann, combined with the fallout from a tragic event, would make him a one-term mayor and something of a tragic figure. Even so, he continued to serve Birmingham after leaving office. As a lawyer for the city, Vann was responsible for the annexation strategy that, during the 1980s, expanded the physical area and tax base of Birmingham. Among the areas annexed was the land that now is The Summit, the retail and restaurant mecca that accounts for well over 10 percent of the city’s total sales tax revenue.
Always the visionary, Vann never stopped trying to make Birminghambigger in every sense of the term. To him, it meant growing larger and more prosperous, but it also meant asking the people of the community to look within themselves and find the capacity to change their perceptions of what might be possible, socially and politically as well as economically. That driving philosophy — along with Vann’s love of Birmingham — was encapsulated in a letter he wrote to a friend as the One Great City campaign was getting underway.
We want to show the people of the area how big they are, and then ask them to think that big.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------7)Greenpeace co-founder: No scientific evidence of man-made global warming
By Michael Bastasch  

There is no scientific evidence that human activity is causing the planet to warm, according to Greenpeace co-founder Patrick Moore, who testified in front of a Senate committee on Tuesday.

Moore argued that the current argument that the burning of fossil fuels is driving global warming over the past century lacks scientific evidence. He added that the Earth is in an unusually cold period and some warming would be a good thing.

“There is no scientific proof that human emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2) are the dominant cause of the minor warming of the Earth’s atmosphere over the past 100 years,” according to Moore’s prepared testimony. “Today, we live in an unusually cold period in the history of life on earth and there is no reason to believe that a warmer climate would be anything but beneficial for humans and the majority of other species.”

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