When a Democrat Party attacks and seeks to devour it's own that signals what we all know about their goal, ie. win at any cost and do anything that it takes. This is why it is an evil party and has no right to be in charge of this nation.
This is also why their nomination of a knowingly mentally challenged president is simply another stake in America's heart.
Joe Manchin and Child Poverty
The latest attack on the Senator is among the most dishonest.
By The Editorial Board
“Maybe Senator Manchin can explain to the millions of children who have been lifted out of poverty, in part due to the Child Tax Credit, why he wants to end a program that is helping achieve this milestone—we cannot,” the White House said. To paraphrase a line from the left’s favorite TV show about politics, “The West Wing”: This is not exactly a page out of Dale Carnegie.
The child allowance—it’s now more grant than tax credit—this year offers $3,600 for children under age 6 and $3,000 for older children. Some of it is paid in monthly checks, including to parents who owe no income tax. Build Back Better would have extended the extra cash for another year, but now the tax credit is set to revert to the old norm of a still generous $2,000 a child.
The larger allowance’s effect on poverty has been overstated because the benefit as structured crushes the incentive to work. Traditionally someone needed $2,500 in income to claim the child credit, which became more generous as a person earned more to encourage advancement. This is an extremely modest amount of income, and Democrats torpedoed this threshold for the sole purpose of sending large checks to people who don’t work.
University of Chicago economists earlier this year estimated that 1.5 million parents would leave the labor force as a result of the expansion. “The decline in employment and the consequent earnings loss would mean that child poverty would only fall by 22% and deep child poverty would not fall at all,” the authors wrote.
Mr. Manchin also had the audacity to wonder whether parents who earn $400,000 need government child benefits. The turbocharged credit starts to phase out at about $150,000 for married filers, but a $2,000 benefit would remain available even to high earners.
That’s because zeroing out the credit at lower incomes would violate President Biden’s pledge not to raise taxes on anyone earning less than $400,000. The Biden crowd claims to be worried about child poverty but gives little thought to the incentive implications. Their real political goal is hooking more families on income transfers from government, no matter the consequences.
Mr. Manchin also dared to point out that progressives buried the costs of their expanded credit by extending the benefit for only one year. This deception lets the Congressional Budget Office score the cost at $185 billion over 10 years, which lets progressives use budget reconciliation and pass it with only 51 Senate votes. But Democrats say explicitly that their plan is to extend the allowance every year. CBO says the 10-year extension would cost about $1.6 trillion.
Press headlines are warning about families on the brink of penury if the monthly payments aren’t extended, but the vast federal and state social safety net—food stamps, Medicaid, housing subsidies, school lunches, Head Start, child-care assistance, and much more—won’t cease to exist on Jan. 1. Weren’t these programs supposed to eliminate child poverty?
Democrats want everyone to forget that some of the biggest recent reductions in child poverty occurred amid the healthy growth of the Trump years before the pandemic. The Pew Research Center in November 2020 reported that the share of American children in poverty reached a record low in the months before the pandemic.
Child poverty dropped to 14% of children under age 18 in 2019, down from 22% in 2010 not long after the Great Recession. In nine years child poverty fell by nearly one-third among blacks and 40% among Hispanics. The eternal truth is that faster economic growth that creates jobs and raises incomes is by far the best anti-poverty program.
Democrats tried to rush Build Back Better into law without policy debate or compromise. The left thought it could do so by beating “the living crap” out of Mr. Manchin, as he put it in a recent interview. He has no reason to apologize for asking that a bill to transform America be subject to regular Congressional order.
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I agree, Republicans have a good chance to recapture The Senate and House but Trump must decide he will not run to enhance the prospects because he cannot avoid being a backward glancer and make it all about himself.
It is a shame because he was a superb president when judged by doing what he said he would and then accomplishing so much of what he pledged.
It would be a further shame to re-elect Warnock considering Georgia has a legacy of some great Senators from both aisles.
The 10 races that will decide the Senate majority
BY MAX GREENWOOD -
Democrats are defending the narrowest of Senate majorities in 2022 as Republicans look to fight their way back into power after a series of crushing defeats.
While Democrats are going on offense in a handful of states where GOP incumbents are retiring, the party is also facing strong national headwinds in their bid to hold onto the Senate. The party of a new president — in this case President Biden — almost always loses ground in Congress in midterm elections.
Given Democrats’ slim Senate majority, control of the upper chamber is likely to come down to just a handful of states. Here are the 10 races that will decide the Senate majority next year:
Pennsylvania
With President Biden’s narrow victory in the state last year and the coming retirement of Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.), Pennsylvania may well offer Democrats their best chance to pick up a new Senate seat in 2022.
So far, more than half a dozen Democrats have entered the race to succeed Toomey, including Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, Rep. Conor Lamb (Pa.) and Montgomery County Board of Commissioners Chair Val Arkoosh.
And while the Democratic primary field has yet to yield a clear front-runner, the Republican field is just as fluid.
Sean Parnell, who had won former President Donald Trump’s endorsement and was seen as the likely GOP front-runner, dropped out of the race last month amid a series of personal controversies, leaving a vacuum on the Republican side. The entrance of celebrity physician Mehmet Oz into the GOP primary in late November only served to shake up the race further.
Georgia
Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.) is heading into 2022 fresh off a history-making victory in a January runoff, making the 2022 Senate contest in Georgia a test of whether Democrats can maintain their momentum in a state that has only recently become a battleground.
Republicans argue, however, that the state still leans in their direction, especially in a midterm year that is expected to be unfriendly for Democrats.
Former football star Herschel Walker, who has high name recognition in the state as well as Trump’s endorsement, has emerged as the favorite for the GOP nomination. And while he still faces some primary opposition, top Republicans — including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.) — have coalesced around Walker, seeing him as the best candidate to oust Warnock next year.
Given both Trump’s involvement in the race and Democrat Stacey Abrams’s entrance into the contest for Georgia governor, the 2022 Senate election in Georgia is quickly emerging as the epicenter of the battle for control of the upper chamber.
Arizona
Like Warnock, Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) is heading into his 2022 reelection bid having just run a competitive race in 2020, and he’s among the GOP’s top targets in the Senate.
But before they can take on Kelly directly, Republicans will first have to resolve a relatively crowded primary.
While polling shows state Attorney General Mark Brnovich leading his rivals for the GOP nomination, Trump has somewhat complicated that picture by publicly taunting Brnovich for not doing more to reverse Biden’s win in Arizona in the 2020 presidential election. Trump also appeared at a fundraiser for another GOP candidate, Blake Masters, at Mar-a-Lago last month.
The eventual winner of the Republican primary will have to contend with Kelly, one of the most prolific fundraisers in the Senate, in the 2022 general election. Still, with Democrats facing tough national headwinds next year, Kelly’s seat is far from safe.
Wisconsin
Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), one of the most despised figures by the left, hasn’t yet said whether he will seek another term in the Senate in 2022, leaving Wisconsin Republicans in limbo for the time being.
The field of Democrats vying to take Johnson on, however, is vast. So far, Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes has led his top primary rivals in fundraising, while also picking up high-profile endorsements from the likes of Rep. James Clyburn (D-S.C.) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
Still, Wisconsin won’t hold its primaries until August, leaving the nominating contest far from settled. Meanwhile, Johnson indicated last month that he will make a decision on his political future soon. If Johnson chooses to seek another term, he’ll be the only GOP Senate incumbent to seek reelection in a state that Biden won in 2020.
Nevada
Former Nevada state Attorney General Adam Laxalt is the likely GOP favorite to challenge Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.) next year. He’s already picked up the support of both Trump and McConnell, and has the benefit of already having run statewide, both successfully and unsuccessfully.
Democrats have been eager to cast Laxalt as a Trump acolyte who has backed the former president’s false claim that the 2020 election was rigged. They’re also quick to note that Laxalt lost his 2018 bid for the Nevada governor’s mansion.
Still, there’s little doubt that Nevada is in play for the GOP. Trump lost the state last year by only 2 points. At the same time, Republicans picked up some support among Latino voters in 2020, which could give Democrats a rockier path to victory next year.
North Carolina
Despite Trump’s victories in the state in 2016 and 2020, North Carolina remains nearly evenly split between the two parties statewide. At the same time, Sen. Richard Burr’s (R-N.C.) decision to retire after his current term expires in 2023 has created a classic battleground scenario.
While 2020 proved disappointing for North Carolina Democrats — Trump narrowly carried the state, while Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) beat Democrat Cal Cunningham in a hotly contested Senate race — the party is hoping to make a comeback in 2022, even in the face of national challenges for Democrats.
For now, the Republican primary field is mired in division. Trump has endorsed Rep. Ted Budd (R-N.C.) for the GOP Senate nomination, but former Gov. Pat McCrory is putting up a tough fight. Another GOP candidate, former Rep. Mark Walker (N.C.), is considering a possible run for the House instead, though he has said he will remain in the Senate contest for the time being.
Republicans aren’t the only ones facing a competitive Senate primary in North Carolina. Former state Supreme Court Chief Justice Cheri Beasley and state Sen. Jeff Jackson are vying for the Democratic nomination, though they’ve so far avoided attacking one another directly.
Ohio
Democrats, for the most part, have rallied around Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio) as their choice to succeed retiring Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) next year, seeing him as the kind of candidate capable of replicating the success of Sen. Sherrod Brown (Ohio), the last remaining statewide elected Democrat in Ohio.
In the Republican field meanwhile, the candidates have lurched to the right in an effort to capitalize on Trump’s success in the state in 2016 and 2020.
The former president has yet to endorse in the contest, but that hasn’t stopped several of the top candidates — including former state Treasurer Josh Mandel, entrepreneur and author JD Vance and former state GOP Chair Jane Timken — from fighting over their loyalty to Trump.
Still, Democrats have had a tough run in Ohio in recent years, leading some to question its status as a political battleground, and for now, it’s still seen as leaning in the GOP’s favor in 2022.
New Hampshire
Republicans were dealt a blow last month when New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu announced that he would seek reelection next year instead of challenging Sen. Maggie Hassan (D-N.H.), denying Senate GOP leaders one of their top recruits of the 2022 elections.
Still, Republicans are bullish about their chances of ousting Hassan next year, even without Sununu in the race, arguing that she remains one of the most vulnerable Democratic Senate incumbents in the country. A University of New Hampshire poll conducted in October found Hassan’s favorability underwater at 33 percent to 51 percent.
Nevertheless, Republicans have yet to coalesce around a single candidate to take her on. Another potential heavyweight contender, former Sen. Kelly Ayotte (R-N.H.), also announced in November that she would not run.
Florida
Rep. Val Demings (D-Fla.) has emerged as the leading candidate to take on Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), giving Florida Democrats a high-profile name on the ticket in 2022.
But beating Rubio isn’t going to be an easy task. For one, Democrats have been dealt a series of stinging defeats in Florida in recent years, most recently in 2020 when Trump carried it by a more-than-3-point margin — a relative landslide by Sunshine State standards.
And for the first time in modern history, Republican registered voters now outnumber Democrats.
Still, Demings is a prolific fundraiser, raking in nearly $8.5 million in the third quarter of 2021 alone. And despite the GOP’s newfound voter registration advantage, Republicans say they’re taking the Senate race seriously, well aware of how expensive and unpredictable Florida can be.
Missouri
Missouri has, for the most part, become safe territory for Republicans, handing Trump a 15-point win in the 2020 presidential election.
While there’s a crowded field of Republicans seeking the nomination to succeed retiring Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) next year, many GOP operatives remain concerned that the state could become competitive for Democrats if disgraced former Gov. Eric Greitens wins the Republican nod.
Trump hasn’t endorsed in the Senate race yet, though he hasn’t ruled out the possibility of backing Greitens, who resigned from the governor’s mansion in 2018 following an investigation into allegations of sexual and campaign misconduct.
There are still a handful of other Republicans seeking their party’s nomination to succeed Blunt, including Missouri Attorney General Eric Schmitt and Reps. Vicky Hartzler (Mo.) and Billy Long (Mo.).
Democrats are also contending with a primary of their own. Who emerges from the two nominating contests could determine just how competitive the Senate race in Missouri will be.
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