Saturday, March 26, 2016

Obama To Scotus: Screw The Nuns! Gen. Mattis? Free Speech Attacked!

Let's hear from who may become the next
president.

 The Little Nuns who believe they are entitled to
simple justice because they are religious! How dare
they protest their rights! Who do they think they
are ?  They must pray not to God but our monarch!
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This from an old friend and fellow memo reader who is very disconcerted about our nation's direction.

"When the Founding Fathers of our nation were in the process 0f creating this novel form of government called a Constitutional Republic, they were aware of many factors that were necessary to make it work properly.  Among them:
    1.     An educated electorate.
    2.     A restriction on who could vote because they knew that only those with "skin in the game" would vote for the benefit of the country and not to grant themselves government largess.
            Their solution for  this was the restriction that only property owners could vote.
    3.     A totally free and independent press to keep the electorate informed.
    4.     Elected officials who, under Judeo-Christian influence would act for the benefit of the country and its citizens and not themselves.
    5.     That holding elective office was not to be a career, but a patriotic undertaking of giving service to their country on a temporary basis, and then getting on with your life.

    I believe that we are suffering today, because these fundamentals have been ignored or worse, Machiavellianly modified, to get us to where we are today.

    On one side, Democrat, we have a Socialist running against a career politician; the former, an affirmed Socialist, and the other, at best a liar, and at worst, a conniving criminal.

    On the other side, Republican, we have an outsider who reminds me of Adolph Hitler in the early 20th century, a man who promises solutions to all our problems without disclosure nor knowledge  of how he will accomplish them; a Hispanic, who has a penchant for fighting as a loaner against the very government he wishes to lead, but leans too heavily (in my opinion) on Evangelical Christianity; and finally, a former Governor who believes in his star rising, which I believe is based solely upon his own ego.  Trump has recently resorted to the most base of personal attacks against his opponent's wife, which in my mind disqualifies him from holding the Presidency.  We all went through this kind of name-calling when we were pre-teenagers.  We need an adult President.

    There is a story, most likely a fable, that during the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, a woman asked Benjamin Franklin as he was leaving the meeting one evening :  "What kind of government are you giving us, Mr. Franklin?"  He replied:  "A Constitutional Republic; may you have the strength to keep it."

    The Public Schools have failed us, giving us rising adults who pay attention only to what Hollywood and sports teams are doing. Very few read (look at the condition of the nation's newspapers.) Most of today's young voters have no idea of how our government is supposed to work.  They vote for candidates for office as if they were voting for movie star popularity awards.  They have no idea of the Role that America has and could play in their lives.  They think they are poor, while they have cars, color TVs, refrigerators and reasonable living quarters.  Very few are really hungry.  They don't know what the poor suffer in 2/3 of the world population.  They have no sense of history, of the role that our country has played in world leadership, nor the roles that dictators (Hitler, Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot, etc,) have played in the extermination of those they disapproved of.

    When the Founding Fathers contemplated the different forms of government, they agreed that the simplest and most efficient form was the Benign Dictatorship.  However history, and especially modern history shows that the "Benign" part often gets lost in the dictator's assumption of power.  In the 20th and 21st centuries, more people have been executed than in all the recorded wars of the world preceding 1900 by Benign Dictators.

    We are at a monumental crossroads.  Our Constitutional Republic is at the precipice of a high cliff overlooking the failed "Empires of the Past Graveyard."  Do we have the strength to turn , or must we, like lemmings, follow our "leadership"  blindly and plummet into the cesspool of history?

    I will swallow my tongue and vote for the Republican candidate, but I'm afraid the  Republican Party has shot itself in the foot...... again. H===."
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Arab opposition has failed and thus, no wonder, youth have turned elsewhere.  (See 1 below.)

Are Turkey and Saudi Arabia getting ready to walk into a Syrian Trap? (See 1a below.)
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Can Marine General James Mattis come out of left field and save The Republican Party and America? If he can will he?  If he will is he the right man?  If he is the right man who is he?

Is it too late to think outside the box? (See 2 below)
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Op Ed writers for this Canadian Newspaper think Cruz is a nut case. (See 3 below.)
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A fascinating review of the impact of history and whether the future portends something comparable.

Considering the advances already made it is highly doubtful (unrepeatable) the future will be as bright as those in politics suggest partially because we came so far from being so backwards and partly because of demographic restraint. (See 4 below.)
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Left is at war with free speech unless it says what they want to hear and support. The resort  to support their case. (See 5 below.)
===
Dick
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1)

'Al-Sharq Al-Awsat' Columnist: The Arab Spring Exposed The Failure Of All Shades Of Arab Opposition

In his column in the London-based Saudi daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, 'Uthman Al-Mirghani argued that the Arab Spring had exposed not only the failure of the Arab regimes, but also the various Arab oppositions' failure to constitute an alternative to the tyrannical regimes that had been brought down. He stated that these oppositions, of all political shades – liberal, leftist, rightist, and Islamic – were just as opportunistic, egocentric, and dictatorial as the regimes they had deposed. Furthermore, he wrote, they had distanced themselves from the Arab peoples so much that the peoples now yearned for the previous regimes. In light of the powerlessness and failure of all the oppositions in the Arab world, he added, it is no wonder that the young people have abandoned them and turned to the 'online party' as an arena for opposition and for voicing their distress."
Below are translated excerpts from the column:[1]
'Uthman Al-Mirghani (Image: Alarabiya.net)
"Many maintain that the 'Arab Spring' failed to actualize even one of the hopes and dreams pinned on it in its initial days and months – and that, on the contrary, it even led the region to a series of disasters and crises. Undoubtedly, there are many factors in how the fleeting '[Arab] Spring ended as it did, in chaos, crises and wars...
"[However,] what is most important of all is that the Arab Spring exposed not only our crisis and the crisis of the regimes against which the peoples rose up, but also the failure of the [various] Arab oppositions to present themselves as a convincing, credible alternative [to these regimes] that could actualize the peoples' hopes and aspirations. The crisis of the Arab oppositions definitely preceded the Arab Spring, but is etched more deeply in the people's minds [since the Arab Spring] because of these oppositions' frustrating performance, the disappointing outcomes[of their actions], and the current regression, wars, and chaos.
"The widespread impression today is that the weakness of the opposition parties and groups, and likewise their internal division and their intense preoccupation with their own interests and dreams of power, have distanced them from the people, and they have become detached from the issues that preoccupy the people. For this reason, [these opposition elements] can no longer convince [the people] that they are fit to rule as an option that is better than the regimes that they oppose. To prove this, we need only point out that today the people are lamenting, yearning for the past and for the era of the regimes that [the opposition elements] brought down, against the backdrop of widespread fear that change could mean [only] chaos and wars.
"The problem with the Arab oppositions is not with a specific stream of thought, but is general and crosses ideological boundaries. It includes the liberal streams as well as parties of the left or those who wield religious slogans. Many of the opposition parties accusing the existing regimes of tyranny are, within themselves, undemocratic. Thus, for example, some opposition leaders' leadership of their own parties predates the regimes of the rulers whom they oppose and accuse of dictatorship and of stubbornly clinging to power. The leftist parties have, in the eyes of the people, become a model of the elitism that is sunk in developing theories, while the Islamic parties have become a model of egocentrism and opportunism.
"In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood showed an additional model, according to which the Islamic Arab parties, or most of them, tend to impose a dictatorship because they do not believe in democracy. They adopt it as a tactic only in order to attain their objectives, and when they take power, their true face is revealed, and they turn to tyranny and absolute rule. In Sudan, the Islamists carried out a military coup against democracy when they were still part of the parliament, and saw fit to impose their rule with tanks instead of obeying the ballot box.
"Some may argue that the Islamic parties in Tunisia and Morocco are currently presenting a different model, and that they have proven their desire for a peaceful and democratic transfer of power. A response to this is that, while the experience in both these countries justifiably sparks hope, it is [just] at the beginning of its path, and we must wait and monitor it to see how it develops before taking a stand on it.
"It is not only the Islamists who have not passed the test of democracy. The left, with its communist and national parties, has also [failed it],by turning to coups that they call revolutions; the region's history is rife with examples [of such revolutions] that have left in their wake dictatorships, wars and crises. There are of course other streams and parties, that transcend the label of political left and religious right, but they too are helpless and failing, like the other Arab oppositions, with all their elements.
"So it is no wonder that the young people have abandoned the traditional opposition, as became clear in the Arab Spring revolutions, and have turned to what can be called 'the online party' as an arena for opposition and for voicing their distress... The young people are not alone in this, of course, because frustration becomes generalized when people see the internecine wars and the internal rift – such as in Libya, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen – that is caused by the failure of the political elites and opposition [there]...
"The Arab Spring...was not a message just to the regimes, as some people think. Its outcomes are an indictment of the Arab oppositions, which seem, to this day, not to have gotten the message."

Endnote:
[1]  Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), January 21, 2016.


1a)Saudi Arabia and Turkey Are Walking into a Trap
by Burak Bekdil

After Russia's increasingly bold military engagement in war-torn Syria in favor of President Bashar al-Assad and the Shiite bloc, the regional Sunni powers – Turkey and its ally, Saudi Arabia – have felt nervous and incapable of influencing the civil war in favor of the many Islamist groups fighting Assad's forces.

Most recently, the Turks and Saudis, after weeks of negotiations, decided to flex their muscles and join forces to engage a higher-intensity war in the Syrian theater. This is dangerous for the West. It risks provoking further Russian and Iranian involvement in Syria, and sparking a NATO-Russia confrontation.

After Turkey, citing violation of its airspace, shot down a Russian Su-24 military jet on Nov. 24, Russia has used the incident as a pretext to reinforce its military deployments in Syria and bomb the "moderate Islamists." Those are the Islamists who fight Assad's forces and are supported by Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The Russian move included installing the advanced S-400 long-range air and anti-missile defense systems.
Turkey and Saudi Arabia say they 
are ready to directly challenge Russian-backed pro-regime forces in Syria.

Fearing that the new player in the game could vitally damage their plans to install a Sunni regime in Damascus, Turkey and Saudi Arabia now say they are ready to challenge the bloc consisting of Assad's forces, Russia, and Shiite militants from Iran and Lebanon.

As always, Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu spoke in a way that forcefully reminded Turkey-watchers of the well-known phrase: Turkey's bark is worse than its bite. "No one," he said on Feb. 9, "should forget how the Soviet forces, which were a mighty, super force during the Cold War and entered Afghanistan, then left Afghanistan in a servile situation. Those who entered Syria today will also leave Syria in a servile way." In other words, Davutoglu was telling the Russians: Get out of Syria; we are coming in. The Russians did not even reply. They just kept on bombing.

Turkey keeps threatening to increase its military role in Syria. Deputy Prime Minister Yalcin Akdogan pledged that Turkey will no longer be in a "defensive position" over maintaining its national security interests amid developments in Syria. "Can any team," he said, "play defensively at all times but still win a match? ... You can win nothing by playing defensively and you can lose whatever you have. There is a very dynamic situation in the region and one has to read this situation properly. One should end up withdrawn because of concerns and fears."
Is NATO member Turkey going to war in order to fulfill its Sunni sectarian objectives? And are its Saudi allies joining in? If the Sunni allies are not bluffing, they are already giving signals of what may eventually turn into a new bloody chapter in the sectarian proxy war in Syria.

First, Saudi Arabia announced that it was sending fighter jets to the Incirlik air base in southern Turkey, where U.S. and other allied aircraft have been hitting Islamic State strongholds inside Syria. Saudi military officials said that their warplanes would intensify aerial operations in Syria.

"[A] ground operation is necessary ... But to expect this only from Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Qatar is neither right nor realistic," Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on February 16.
Second, and more worryingly, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu saidthat Turkey and Saudi Arabia could engage in ground operations inside Syria. He also said that the two countries had long been weighing a cross-border operation into Syria – with the pretext of fighting Islamic State, but in fact hoping to bolster the Sunni groups fighting against the Shiite bloc – but they have not yet made a decision.
In contrast, Saudi officials look more certain about a military 
intervention. A Saudi brigadier-general said that a joint Turkish-Saudi ground operation in Syria was being planned. He even said that Turkish and Saudi military experts would meet in the coming days to finalize "the details, the task force and the role to be played by each country."

In Damascus, the Syrian regime said that any ground operation inside Syria's sovereign borders would "amount to aggression that must be resisted."

It should be alarming for the West if Turkey and Saudi Arabia, two important U.S. allies, have decided to fight a strange cocktail of enemies on Syrian territory, including Syrian forces, radical jihadists, various Shiite forces and, most critically, Russia – all in order to support "moderate" Islamists. That may be the opening of a worse disaster in Syria, possibly spanning over the next 10 to 15 years.
Allowing Sunni supremacists into a sectarian war is not a rational way to block Russian expansion.

The new Sunni adventurism will likely force Iran to augment its military engagement in Syria. It will create new tensions between Turkey-Saudi Arabia and Iraq's Shiite-dominated government. It may also spread and destabilize other Middle Eastern theaters, where the Sunni bloc, consisting of Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, may have to engage in new proxy wars with the Shiite bloc plus Russia.

Washington should think more than twice about allowing its Sunni allies militarily to engage their Shiite enemies. This may be a war with no winners but plenty of casualties and collateral damage. Allowing Sunni supremacists into a deeper sectarian war is not a rational way to block Russian expansion in the eastern Mediterranean. And it certainly will not serve America's interests.
Turkey and Saudi Arabia are too weak militarily to damage Russia's interests. It is a Russian trap – and precisely what the Russians are hoping their enemies will fall into.
Burak Bekdil is an Ankara-based columnist for the Turkish newspaper Hürriyet Daily News and a fellow at the Middle East Forum.
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2)

This Man Can Save Us From Trump—and Clinton

He’s retired Marine General James Mattis. He’s an extraordinary American. Yes, it’s a longshot. But he is exactly what we need.
By John Noonan
As the inevitability of a Donald Trump nomination grows, many Republicans are moving to the acceptance stage of grief. Trump’s unfavorability ratings are historic for a presumptive nominee. Some reputable polls have him as high as 60 percent negative, many others have him losing by double digits to Hillary Clinton. Retention of the Senate, already an uphill climb in an election year swelling with vulnerable Republican incumbents, is an equally dim prospect.
Not all conservatives have given up the ship. The presumptive Democratic nominee is a hair away from federal indictment. The presumptive Republican nominee is a reality-TV lunatic who has run multiple business ventures into the ground. Never before has a third-party candidate looked so viable, even the odd duck 1992 election that saw Ross Perot earn a generous share of the popular vote.
This third-party option would need to thread a needle. The candidate would have to be conservative, enough so that non-Trump conservatives —keep in mind this is a strong majority of traditional Republican voters—have reason to show up and pull a lever for him and the party’s Senate candidates. The candidate would also need to be sensible, experienced, and respected—not a demagogue like those who have so excited Republican voters this cycle. The name would need to be recognizable, but not in the garish celebrity sense like Mr. Trump. The candidate would need to convey strength in a year teeming with voter concerns about ISIS, cybersecurity, a rising Russia, and Chinese shield-thumping in the Far East.
So who better than retired Marine General James Mattis?
Mattis is a battle hardened warrior, renowned for his humble leadership style and aggressive pursuit of America’s enemies. Nicknamed the “Warrior Monk,” Mattis is something of a cult figure in the Marines. One such tale had the general relieving a young Marine captain of sentry duty on Christmas Day, taking up the post himself so the young officer could be with his family. He’s known for his excellence in both the arts of combat and diplomacy alike. Mattis led the First Marine Division in an aggressive thrust into the Euphrates River Valley in 2003, but also skillfully managed the kaleidoscope of conflicting diplomatic relationships as Commander of U.S. Central Command.
Mattis is a student of both history and economics, known for quoting Greek sophists but unafraid to dabble in some occasional profanity—though his famous blunt talk, famously known as Mattisisms, would seem mild in a year laced with Trump’s vulgarities.
He neuters both party frontrunners’ perceived strengths. Trump’s faux-tough guy act would crumble when met with an actual warrior, and Hillary Clinton’s foreign policy chops would seem like an 100-level International Relations course next to Mattis’s experience and expertise.
Mattis is vehemently apolitical and would likely be repulsed by the mere suggestion that he run. But so was another former general turned president, Dwight Eisenhower.
Eisenhower, history buffs will recall, was a late draft in the 1952 election. He was initially mortified by his name being mixed up in politics. After thousands showed up to a “Draft Eisenhower” rally in New York City, Ike reportedly wrote a friend saying, “I’ve never been so upset in years.”


Eisenhower was in Paris during the early primaries, commanding NATO forces and helping oversee implementation of the Marshall Plan. He did not campaign or make political media appearances. Yet Ike comfortably won the New Hampshire primary on March 3. It wasn’t until June 4 that Eisenhower made his first political speech, only after retiring as Commander of NATO forces in Europe two days prior.
Why the swell of support? The Draft Eisenhower movement exploded during the 1951 “Winter of Discontent,” when Americans were frustrated by an unpopular president, a stalemated war, and a sluggish economy. All this may sound familiar.
Americans were hungry for an outsider then, and are hungry for an outsider now. In an election year with voters on both sides of the aisle thirsty for a non-politician, who better than the reluctant General Mattis, whose first and foremost love is duty to his country?
Like Ike, Mattis would need to be pressed into service. It’s a tough proposition given Mattis’s long and selfless commitment to his republic. But tough times call for tough measures. He’s a man who has always answered the trumpet’s blast of flag and freedom. He knows, as do many voters, the ugly prospect of a Trump presidency and what it would mean for the rule of law, the sacredness of the office, and the integrity of the Constitution. He also knows how tough things have grown oversees, with America’s special role in the world slipping away each day.
So, if General Mattis does decide to help save America, does he have a shot? Absolutely. Donald Trump’s ceiling of Republican voters hovers around 40 percent. Many state polls, particularly those west of the Mississippi, have suggested that over 40 percent of GOP voters would pull a lever for a third-party candidate. In a year when Democratic primary turnout is low —a reliable forecast for low enthusiasm common of an incumbent party— and vice versa on the Republican side, there is plenty of room for a no-kidding American hero and political outsider to hit 35 percent of the vote in key states. If Trump, Clinton, and Mattis are all denied an outright majority in the Electoral College, the decision goes to the House of Representatives. There, Mattis has a real shot of cobbling together enough state delegations to crowd out Clinton and Trump alike.
Americans are craving a strong leader, one who is upright, honest, and unstained by political blood sport. General Eisenhower was one of America’s finest presidents. General Mattis would undoubtedly continue in that great tradition. Even in this screwed up political era, service and integrity still count for something. They’ve always been the backbone of this republic, and we could use a little of both right now.So help us General Mattis, you’re our only hope.
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3) Ted Cruz, God Crazy

This nutcase believes he has a direct link to... divine will, and thus, his interpretations of the U.S. Constitution are inspired by God. We lock people up for less than that.


Published in Le Journal de Montréal (Canada) on 19 March 2016 by Loïc Tassé [link to original]

Mitt Romney has called on Republicans to elect Ted Cruz instead of Donald Trump as the party’s presidential nominee. But Cruz's political platform is much worse than Trump's. Cruz is an extreme right-wing religious fundamentalist.
Cruz's platform is chock-full of references to God, or the "Creator" as his online political texts say. Cruz is a creationist; he's one of those cretins who think that life on Earth hasn't evolved. Even worse, Cruz believes the American Constitution is directly inspired by God. Americans' freedoms are thus a gift from above. It's a waste of time to remind him of all the political struggles, wars and thinkers that won these rights and liberties little by little. For him, it's part of God's plan. This nutcase believes he has a direct link to this divine will, and thus, his interpretations of the U.S. Constitution are inspired by God. We lock people up for less than that.
Naturally, these sorts of beliefs go hand in hand with the most socially conservative policies. Cruz is against abortion and gay marriage. In fact, he hates everything that goes against his religious beliefs.
Cruz against the State
Cruz's divine vision calls for the quasi-destruction of the state. First of all, Cruz wants to impose a flat tax on all Americans who earn more than $36,000. Those who earn $40,000 will pay $4,000 in income tax, and they'll have $36,000 left, just like those who don't pay taxes. Those who earn $1,000,000 will pay $100,000, and will have $900,000 left in their pockets. The 10 percent tax rate would favor the wealthy, especially the extremely wealthy. This would also apply to businesses.
Naturally, a universal flat tax would reduce government revenue. Therefore, Cruz proposes to abolish many government services. First, he wants to abolish Obama's health care program, in addition to 24 other government programs. Next, he wants to sell off the Departments of Energy, Treasury, Education, Commerce, and Housing and Urban Development. In short, everything that can regulate business and religious organizations would be in his crosshairs.
Cruz for War
However, the Department of Defense will be bolstered by selling government assets, among other things (Will it be buildings, national parks, gold reserves? Who knows.) To fulfill his extremely hawkish vision, Cruz proposes to substantially increase the number of soldiers and war machines. By how much? He has two points of reference: One minute he's talking about the Reagan era; the next it's about the size of the military after World War II. Cruz's international vision is at the heart of his military policy. One of his first moves would be to become even closer to Israel and to rip up the agreement that was signed with Iran. After all, Cruz is an evangelical, and for many of them, Israel is part of a grand divine plan that the United States must support. If God says so, why argue against it, right?
Trump drew criticism for his outrageous comments about immigration and for his calls to violence. But Cruz's political positions are far more dangerous than Trump's. Anti-Trump demonstrations have made people forget that the main alternative to Trump is God crazy; a religious nut, just like the leaders of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Islamic State.
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4) Recent George Will column that 'splains where we are, how we got there and where we're headed.

Presidential campaigns incite both hypochondria and euphoria, portraying the present as grimmer than it is and the future as grander than it can be. As an antidote to both, read a rarity, an academic’s thick book (762 pages) widely recognized as relevant to America’s current discontents. 

Robert J. Gordon’s “The Rise and Fall of American Growth” argues that an unprecedented and unrepeatable “special century” of life-changing inventions has produced unrealistic expectations, so the future will disappoint: “The economic revolution of 1870 to 1970 was unique. . . . No other era in human history, either before or since, combined so many elements in which the standard of living increased as quickly and in which the human condition was transformed so completely.”

In many ways, the world of 1870 was more medieval than modern.  Three necessities — food, clothing, shelter — absorbed almost all consumer spending. No household was wired for electricity. Flickering light came from candles and whale oil, manufacturing power from steam engines, water wheels and horses. Urban horses, alive and dead, complicated urban sanitation. Window screens were rare, so insects commuted to and fro between animal and human waste outdoors and the dinner table.  A typical North Carolina housewife in the 1880s carried water into her home eight to 10 times daily, walking 148 miles a year to tote 36 tons of it. Few children were in school after age 12.

But on Oct. 10, 1879, Thomas Edison found a cotton filament for the incandescent light bulb. Less than 12 weeks later in Germany, Karl Benz demonstrated the first workable internal combustion engine. In the 1880s, refrigerated rail cars began to banish “spring sickness,” a result of winters without green vegetables.  Adult stature increased as mechanical refrigeration and Clarence Birdseye’s Birds Eye frozen foods improved nutrition. 

By 1940, households were networked — electrified, with clean water flowing in and waste flowing out, radio flowing in and telephonic communications flowing both ways.

Today’s dwellings, Gordon says, are much more like those of 1940 than 1940 dwellings were like those of 1900.

No more lack of privacy for people living and bathing in the kitchen, the only room that was warm year-round. 

Since 1940, however, only air conditioning, television and the Internet have dramatically changed everyday life, and these combined have not remotely matched the impact of pre-1940 changes. 

Nineteenth-century medicine mostly made patients as comfortable as possible until nature healed or killed them. In 1878, yellow fever killed 10 percent of the Memphis population. But 20th-century medicine moved quickly from the conquest of infectious diseases (the cause of 37 percent of deaths in 1900; 2 percent in 2009) to the management of chronic ailments of the elderly. There were 8,000 registered automobiles in 1900 but 26.8 million in 1930. Ford’s Model T, introduced in 1908 at $950, sold in 1923 for $269.

Gordon says two calamities — the Depression and World War II — fueled the postwar boom: The Depression by speeding unionization (hence rising real wages and declining work hours), the war by high-pressure “productivity-enhancing learning” that, for example, manufactured a bomber an hour at Michigan’s Willow Run plant.

But the classic modernization trek from rural conditions into sanitized urban life and the entry of women into the workforce were vast, unrepeatable advances. Today the inflation-adjusted median wage of American males is lower than in 1969, and median household income is lower than when this century began. If the growth rate since 1970 had matched that of 1920 to 1970, instead of being one-third of it, per capita gross domestic product in 2014 would have been $97,300 instead of $50,600.

America’s entitlement state is buckling beneath the pressure of an aging population retiring into Social Security and Medicare during chronically slow economic growth. Gordon doubts the “techno-optimists” who think exotic developments — robots, artificial intelligence, etc. — can match what such by-now-banal developments as electricity and the internal combustion engine accomplished.

There is, however, no reason to expect that medical advances have been exhausted. And there are many reasons to believe that the rapid expansion of regulatory, redistributive government, which can be reformed, has contributed to — it certainly has coincided with — the onset of (relative) economic anemia.

The “fatal conceit” (Friedrich Hayek’s term) is the optimistic delusion that planners can manage economic growth by substituting their expertise for the information generated by the billions of daily interactions of a complex market society.

Gordon’s stimulating book expresses a pessimist’s fatal conceit, the belief that we know the future will be less creative than the “special century."
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5) The Left’s War on Free Speech
Those who love Trump—and those who loathe him—should think more carefully about the importance of free speech.

Opponents and supporters of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump demonstrate outside a Los Angeles hotel July 10, 2015. (CNS photo/Lucy Nicholson, Reuters)

Whatever your views on Donald Trump, it is wrong to put the burden of responsibility on him for the violence at his recent Chicago rally.

According to the mainstream media’s explanation, the clashes inside and outside the rally venue were entirely due to Trump’s abrasive manner and provocative comments. But leftists don’t need excuses to intimidate and riot. They do it all the time. If Cruz or Rubio or Kasich were the front runner in the campaign, they would just as surely be targeted by well-organized leftist mobs. That’s because, for the left, it’s not about tone or manners, it’s about the revolution.

The left is even quick to turn on its own if its ever-shifting tests of ideological purity are not met. It was not too long ago that two Black Lives Matter protesters forcibly took over the mike during one of Bernie Sanders’ rallies. Sanders is hard left, but on that particular day, he was apparently insufficiently attentive to the concerns of Black Lives Matter. The leftist vanguard had moved on, and good soldier Sanders silently accepted his chastisement for not keeping up.
So Republicans are not the only targets of the revolutionaries. After all, the mother of all convention riots occurred during the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago when the establishment Democrats failed to march to the tune of leftist, anti-war demonstrators.

Trump can hardly be blamed for that. Neither can he be blamed for the recent spate of attempts to outlaw free speech on college campuses. It’s well known that conservative speakers at universities are regularly shouted down, but now student activists have turned on the colleges themselves for their failure to provide “safe spaces” and prevent “microaggressions” (so called, presumably, because they are invisible to any normal person). By almost anyone’s standards, the administration and faculty at most colleges lean to the left, but as it turns out, not far enough left to satisfy the ever-expanding grievances of young utopians.

Likewise, the mayors of most major cities tend to be left-leaning Democrats, and their police commissioners are usually models of political correctness. But that hasn’t prevented leftists from staging numerous anti-police protests in cities across the country. Chicago witnessed weeks of such protests in December alone.

Viewed from a wider perspective, the violent protest at the Trump rally in Chicago was not a one-time reaction to one particular candidate’s supposedly divisive rhetoric. It was, instead, part of a long-standing pattern. Violence, intimidation, and unreasonable demands are the modus operandi of the left.

And not just in America. In Europe, violent leftist attacks on “conservative” rallies are more the rule than the exception. I put “conservative” in quotes because the European media refer to patriotic Europeans as “far-right,” “extremists,” and “xenophobes.” By American standards, however, many of them would qualify as liberals due to their support of the social welfare state. In any event, what brings these nationalist groups in conflict with the leftist media and the leftist mob is their opposition to immigration—particularly of the Muslim variety. For that sin, the media hammers them in print and the mob hammers them literally—with bottles, stones, and iron rods.

The generic name for the well-organized leftist gangs is “antifas,” short for anti-fascists—an Orwellian irony if ever there was one, seeing that the antifas’ tactics are thoroughly fascist. When anti-Islamization groups such as PEGIDA (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the West) hold peaceful rallies or candle-lit “evening strolls,” they are often met by much larger gangs of antifa thugs intent on shutting them down and shutting them up. If they’re lucky, the peaceful protesters are protected by the police, and, if they’re not lucky, they get beaten up.

It’s no coincidence that the leftist media in Europe, along with the leftist gangs, so often work in the service of Islamic interests. The tacit alliance between leftists and Islamists has been in effect for a long time. In Europe, it manifests itself in the elite’s embrace of mass Muslim immigration. In America, it is evident in our leftist president’s embrace of the Muslim Brotherhood.

How does one explain this affinity? The short answer in that both Islamism and leftism are fascist totalitarian movements (for a thorough explication of the left’s fascist tendencies, see Jonah Goldberg’s book Liberal Fascism). Leftists get along with Islamists because they are fellow fascists, and also because the left is a quasi-religious movement. Its devotees are true believers who find the meaning of their lives in spreading the leftist gospel. As with Islam, it’s best not to question the belief system of the left, because it is protected by strict blasphemy laws. If you disagree with the tenets of leftists, you are not, from their perspective, entitled to your opinion, you are committing blasphemy. And you deserve to be punished.

Rather than debate their opponents, the faithful prefer to silence them. Leftists are far more passionate about their ideology than they are about free speech. They have no use for free speech unless they can use it to further their own interests. For them, it is not a first principle, but a tool or weapon. Thus, they have no qualms about suppressing the free speech of others.

The media, which should be one of the chief guardians of free speech, often plays the same game. In browsing through a couple of dozen news articles on the Chicago protest, I noticed that all of them put the blame for Friday’s shutdown almost entirely on Trump. Yet all the evidence shows that it was student activists groups along with Black Lives Matter, MoveOn.Org, and various other leftist groups that deliberately planned to shut down the event. According to the Los Angeles Times:
Planning for the [Friday] event started Monday night when leaders from a range of groups gathered in a campus lecture hall. They included the Black Student Union, the Muslim Student Association, and the Fearless Undocumented Association, which advocates for immigrants in the country illegally.

The point is, this is not a civility issue, it’s a free speech issue. Leftist groups want veto power over what others say. As Robert Spencer put it in a recent essay:

In that scenario, you see, it becomes incumbent upon Trump not to say anything that leftist thugs might dislike, or he will have partial responsibility for what they do. Cruz, Rubio, and Kasich, of course, will also have to be careful not to “create an environment” that might force the left-fascists to shut them down as well.

In short, if you say the wrong thing, the left-fascists will riot. But who determines which words are permissible and which words are not? Why, the leftists, of course. And if they do attack you, you have no one to blame but yourself. You should have known better.

In this regard, the media tend to treat leftist mobs in the same way they treat Muslim mobs—as groups of individuals who bear no responsibility for what they do if they are offended. What’s more, the media seems to accept as legitimate the right of the mob to be the sole arbiter of what is offensive. The operative assumption is that if they are offended, we have done something wrong, and we’d better be more careful about what we say in the future. This, of course, is a formula for narrowing the boundaries of free speech until only politically correct platitudes can be uttered.
In assessing the debate over campaign rhetoric and tone, it’s important not to lose sight of the big picture. The big picture is that there are many powerful forces in the US and abroad that want to cancel free speech. In response to the shutdown of Trump’s rally, Hillary Clinton said, “If you play with matches, you’re going to start a fire you can’t control.” Clinton seems to subscribe to the notion that people aren’t free to control themselves when they are offended. Rather, they are assumed to be like forest fires: once the fire gets started, it has no control over itself. Therefore, speech has to be tightly controlled and it’s up to the political fire marshals like Clinton to decide which speech is incendiary and which is not. It’s no coincidence that one of Clinton’s chief agendas while Secretary of State was to work closely with the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to promote anti-blasphemy laws and other restrictions on free speech. That should come as no surprise. Clinton is a woman of the left, and that’s what leftists do.

What’s worrisome is that some conservatives have yielded to the temptation to follow suit. Several Republicans have gone along with the idea that Trump bears much of the responsibility for the Chicago violence because of the “toxic environment” he has created. But the left created its own toxic environment long before Trump ever appeared on the scene. Republicans should be careful that they don’t end up aiding and abetting the foes of free speech. By letting leftist agitators set the ground rules for debate, conservatives are putting the First Amendment in jeopardy as well as their own chances of success.

And that caution applies to Trump as well. Trump himself is hardly a stalwart friend of free speech. He strongly criticized Pamela Geller’s cartoon exhibit/free speech event in Garland, Texas last May on the grounds that it was offensive to Muslims. He has also called for expanded libel laws which would make it easier to sue newspapers for criticizing public figures like Donald Trump. The irony is that such laws could conceivably make his own criticisms of Islam an actionable offense.

Those who love Trump and those who loathe him should think more carefully about the importance of free speech and whether they are willing to submit what they say to the self-appointed guardians of political correctness and their thug enforcers on the left.
William Kilpatrick 

William Kilpatrick taught for many years at Boston College. He is the author of several books about cultural and religious issues, including Psychological Seduction, Why Johnny Can’t Tell Right from Wrong and, most recently, Christianity, Islam, and Atheism: The Struggle for the Soul of the West. Professor Kilpatrick’s articles on cultural and educational topics have appeared in First Things, Policy Review, American Enterprise, American Educator, The Los Angeles Times, and various scholarly journals. His articles on Islam have appeared in Aleteia, National Catholic Register, Investor’s Business Daily, FrontPage Magazine, and other publications. Professor Kilpatrick’s work is supported in part by the Shillman Foundation. For more on his work and writings, visit his website, turningpointproject.com.
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