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The Wedding Ceremony
The wedding ceremony came to the point where the minister asked if anyone had anything to say concerning the union of the bride and groom....
The congregation was aghast - you could almost hear a pin drop.
The groom's jaw dropped as he stared in disbelief at the approaching young woman and child.
Chaos ensued.
The bride threw the bouquet into the air and burst out crying.
The bride's father turned to the groom, 'Why you son-of-a-bitch!'
Then the groom's mother fainted.
The best men started giving each other looks and wondering how to save the situation.
The minister asked the woman, "Can you tell us, why you came forward? What do you have to say?"
There was absolute silence in the church.
The woman replied, "We can't hear you in the back."
And that illustrates what happens when people are considered guilty until proven innocent.
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AOC digs her grave deeper and deeper and this helps Trump. Her basic ignorance is amazing.(See 1 below.)
And:
We can ignore reality, but we cannot ignore the consequences of ignoring reality.” – Ayn Rand
AOC digs her grave deeper and deeper and this helps Trump. Her basic ignorance is amazing.(See 1 below.)Preview YouTube video Why You Can't Argue with a Leftist
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Heninger believes Democrats possess a socialism gene. (See 2 and 2a below.)
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Is Europe off limits? Will the virus resurfacing in Europe eventually spread to America? Where does that leave Jews who cannot support Israel's right to exist? (See 3, 3a and 3b below.)
Heninger believes Democrats possess a socialism gene. (See 2 and 2a below.)
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Is Europe off limits? Will the virus resurfacing in Europe eventually spread to America? Where does that leave Jews who cannot support Israel's right to exist? (See 3, 3a and 3b below.)
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More news about Avi. (See 4 below.)
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New Rant. (See 5 below.)
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Paul Craig Roberts also rants. (See 6 below.)
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Dick
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New Rant. (See 5 below.)
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Paul Craig Roberts also rants. (See 6 below.)
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Dick
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1)
AOC Defends Roll in Scaring Amazon Away from New York
Alexandria Occasio Cortez bragged about driving Amazon out of New York City, Tuesday, and costing the city thousands of jobs.The freshman Democratic New York congresswoman has faced days of criticism from normally friendly media voices and fellow Democrats over her role in Amazon's decision to pull back from building a $2.5 billion campus in the Long Island City neighborhood of Queens.
Amazon had cited the opposition of “a number of state and local politicians” in its decision to abandon the plans. Ocasio-Cortez and others at the local level had pointed to incentives such as a $2.5 billion in tax breaks as a reason for their opposition.
“If we were willing to give away $3 billion for this deal, we could invest those $3 billion in our district ourselves, if we wanted to. We could hire out more teachers. We can fix our subways. We can put a lot of people to work for that money, if we wanted to,” Ocasio-Cortez said last week.
Mayor Bill de Blasio pushed back on that claim on Sunday. Even as he slammed Amazon for its decision, the mayor said critics wrongly suggested that tax breaks represented money that could be spent on other things. He said it wasn’t “money you had over here. And it was going over there.”
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2) The Democrats’ Socialist Gene
Kamala Harris says, “I am not a democratic socialist.” She should take a DNA test.
If in January 2015 you walked up to, say, 50 million American voters and asked them what they thought of when you said, “Bernie Sanders, ” 99.9% of them would have replied, “Nothing.” If in early 2018, you had done the same thing with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, same answer—nada.
Today, the two socialists are household names. The Democratic Party belongs to them. “Bernie” is running for president again. In the beauty-contest opinion polls he is only a step behind Barack Obama’s vice president. And by the current standards of America’s political culture, AOC is a star.
Science no longer believes that genes are destiny. But in politics, which no one will confuse with science, it was inevitable that the Democrats’ genetic code one day would bring them to this point—unabashedly the party of the far left.
Both Republicans and Democrats have had to contend with challenges for control from the distant right and left. What primarily has kept these impulses at bay is the reality check of needing to assemble an Electoral College victory out of all the states. When the parties’ nominations have gone well right or left—Goldwater in 1964 and McGovern in 1972—they’ve usually lost by huge margins.
The Republicans’ internal debates about the party’s ideas are important, but they have nothing like the street-level yeastiness of the Democrats’ struggles between traditional liberals and the left.
Eugene V. Debs was the first Socialist to run for president, in 1900. Debs, who had been a Democrat, helped found the Industrial Workers of the World. In 1935, playwright Clifford Odets wrote a play called “Waiting for Lefty.” His wait is over.
The Ocasio-Cortez Green New Deal is an explicit homage to FDR’s New Deal, and Nancy Pelosi understood exactly what she was doing when she called it a “green dream or whatever.” She knows it isn’t 1935.
The American left went into decline after World War II, as the U.S. economy rebuilt. One can’t overstate the central role that private-sector labor unions—auto, steel, mines—played in keeping the Democrats centered.
Whatever their tensions with industrial capitalism, American union leaders like George Meany, Lane Kirkland and Leonard Woodcock knew their success depended on the private sector’s success. With the private unions’ decline and the rise of public-sector unions, whose lifeblood is tax revenue, a significant brake on the party’s roll toward socialism disappeared.
The Democratic left re-emerged in the 1960s and ’70s, pushing the party outside political and cultural norms with street protests, antiwar marches and “occupations” of universities.
Left-wing academics in those years not only began to develop the theories of gender, sex, race and identity that today animate core liberal beliefs, but they also drove out dissenting professors, mostly conservatives, who might have challenged those ideas.
Without a rigorous opposition, these left-wing theories descended into intellectual gobbledygook like “intersectionality.” It is no accident that the Democratic Party is represented today by the millennial goofiness of Ms. Ocasio-Cortez or the smiling anti-Semite, Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota.
Nor is it an accident that the Democrats are embracing ideas untethered to proofs or logic such as the Green New Deal, free college and pre-1960s income-tax rates.
Mr. Obama is a central figure in this story. He held the door open for the socialists with his endless speeches about “the wealthiest” and “the 1%.” Arguably Mr. Obama was our first Pop Marxist president, obsessed with class issues.
Hillary Clinton’s 2016 defeat was the best thing that has happened to the Democratic left in the entire postwar period. She stood for what remained of the respectable administrative-state intellectuals who had worked for Bill Clinton and Al Gore. Nudge economics and all that. The left was tired of them.
Bernie Sanders, the man who pushed the Democratic Party left, now finds himself up against those who’ve adopted his policies including Kamala Harris, Corey Booker and Elizabeth Warren. Image: Getty
Mr. Sanders was in the right place at the right time. The modern left, the children of the new, no-standards university system, went gaga for Bernie’s comic-book socialism. “Medicare for All!” Bernie shouted across the land. They sent him $25 online donations by the millions. And still do.
The U.S. today has a labor shortage. The workers of the U.S. can’t unite because they’ve got to go to work.
What we have here is artisanal socialism, free-riding luxuriously on capitalism’s manifest success. In New Hampshire Monday, Kamala Harris said, “I am not a democratic socialist.” She should take a political DNA test. I’ll bet she is, or soon will be
2a) Socialism has already hurt America
Life in our poor communities is in the grip of socialism, not capitalism.
2a) Socialism has already hurt America
by Star Parker
Life in our poor communities is in the grip of socialism, not capitalism.
President Donald Trump was principled and politically astute to address, in his State of the Union, the horrors taking place now in Venezuela, and then to declare:
"Tonight we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country."
Venezuela is indeed a poster child for what happens when a nation's economic machinery falls under political control.
Over the last five years, per The Wall Street Journal, Venezuela's economy shrank by 35 percent and poverty tripled from 48 to 87 percent.
According to Gallup, 71 percent of Venezuelans say they can't afford food, 47 percent say they can't afford shelter, just 15 percent say they are satisfied with the availability of quality health care, and 35 percent say they are satisfied with their standard of living
Thirty-six percent of Venezuelans, 51 percent of those between 15 and 29, say they would leave the country permanently if they could.
But if it is so clear that socialism is a formula for economic disaster, why does the idea still conjure up support?
In a Gallup poll of last year, 57 percent of Democrats, compared to 16 percent of Republicans, say they have a "positive view of socialism."
Economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman says it's semantics.
Krugman mocks Trump, saying that "there is essentially no one in American political life who advocates such things" as government control of industry, as is the case in Venezuela.
When Democrats say "socialism," says Krugman, they really mean "social democracy" — a market economy with a social safety net and use of the tax system as an equalizer.
The issue really isn't how we technically define socialism. The issue is really the extent to which we are free.
What difference is it really if a firm is privately owned, but the government has vast latitude to regulate what it does? Or if a private firm pays me but government taxes away a large chunk of what I earn?
Venezuela is, of course, the extreme case. Total collapse as result of political despots taking over everything.
But socialism is not like good wine, which, in moderation, might not hurt and might even be beneficial.
Every step in which economic freedom is cut back bears costs.
We see what is happening now, as the U.S. economy surges back to life as a result of cutting back regulation and taxes.
But our nation has not totally escaped the Venezuelan phenomenon.
America has entire communities in distress for the same reasons that Venezuela has fallen apart — political control over economic affairs. Life in our poor communities is in the grip of socialism, not capitalism.
Government housing, government health care, government schools, government welfare programs.
There are 31 million people living in areas of high economic distress, now designated as "opportunity zones." The average poverty rate in these zones is 28.7 percent. The average household income is 40 percent below the national average, and 36.5 percent of prime-age adults are not working. Fifty-six percent of these 31 million are non-white minorities.
The president's new opportunity zone initiative, providing tax incentives to direct investment capital into these neighborhoods, aims to change realities with the same passion that the president spoke against socialism for the rest of the country in his State of the Union address.
How do countries wind up going in the wrong direction?
British playwright George Bernard Shaw captured it when he said, "A government that robs Peter to pay Paul can always depend on the support of Paul."
Political demagogues tap into the frustrations of those who are struggling, or tap into the ambitions of those who long for power, and sell them Hollywood dreams — and lies — of a better life. Once they convince them to turn over power, the nightmare begins.
Life has no shortcuts. Freedom, hard work and personal responsibility are the one and only path to prosperity.
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3)
Is Western Europe no longer safe for Jews?
Virulent anti-Semitism in Britain’s Labour Party and among French “yellow-vests” populists raises uncomfortable questions about how democracies react to hate.
The good news is that on Tuesday, huge crowds of French citizens attended rallies against anti-Semitism throughout France that were supported by all of the country’s major political parties. And French President Emmanuel Macron denounced the desecration of a Jewish cemetery, the latest example of a shocking growth in acts of anti-Semitism.
Across the English Channel, the British government has been similarly outspoken in denouncing anti-Semitism. The protest of eight membersof the House of Commons who left the Labour Party over its failure to address anti-Semitism ingrained in its leadership, as well as the rank and file, was similarly applauded for their courage and willingness to risk the loss of their seats in the next election rather than to remain silent.
Seen from that perspective, it is possible to argue that—the ominous increase in Jew-hatred notwithstanding—Jews living in Western Europe are not alone. Decent people are still willing to speak up against hate.
And while panic is not the appropriate reaction to these events, neither is complacence or even confidence that it will all soon blow over. Anti-Semitism is deeply rooted in the culture of European society. But what is happening now throughout the continent, but most particularly in Britain and France, is that as has happened so many times in the past, Jew-hatred has attached itself to popular political movements and political parties.
With anti-Semitic incitement becoming part of the rhetoric of the “yellow-vests” protest movement against Macron’s government in France, as well as one of the defining characteristics of Britain’s Labour Party, it’s no longer possible to pretend that anti-Semitism isn’t working its way back into the mainstream of Western European political culture.
It’s also instructive to note that as much as the Nazi march in Charlottesville, Va., and the murder of 11 Jewish worshippers in a Pittsburgh synagogue prompted a panic about anti-Semitism in the United States, the situation here is nothing like that in Western Europe. The kind of fear of being recognizably Jewish while walking on a Paris street that haunts French Jews is unknown in the United States. Similarly, Jewish politicians in the United States simply don’t face the kind of malicious abuse for their faith and/or support for Israel that is routine in Britain.
American Jews have good reason to worry about the prominence and acceptance of members of Congress like Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), who have tweeted anti-Semitic tropes and are stalwart backers of the anti-Semitic BDS movement. But there is no comparing the Democrats to the British Labour Party, where someone far more brazen than either of them is flaunting hate for Israel and Jews, and tolerance for anti-Semitism and even Palestinian terrorists. Labour head Jeremy Corbyn is the leader of the opposition in parliament, rather than merely a backbencher.
Corbyn stands a fair chance of being the next prime minister of Britain. None of the Democratic candidates for president, including Sen. Bernie Sanders, who has been the most critical of Israel of the two-dozen prospective contenders, can be remotely compared to Corbyn in terms of tolerance for and encouragement of anti-Semitism.
To note that doesn’t mean that Democrats don’t need to worry about the growth of the intersectional left in the ranks—something that has produced constituencies for Omar and Tlaib. That has also caused a genuine division among Democrats about the Jewish nation at a time when Republicans have become lockstep supporters of Israel.
Similarly, those who claim that U.S. President Donald Trump is an anti-Semite are simply confusing their abhorrence for him over his politics and style with Jew-hatred. Trump is flawed and has at times said things that can be construed as encouragement for extremists. But he is no anti-Semite, as well as arguably the best friend Israel has ever had in the White House.
Comparisons and attempts to manipulate statistics to make America seem analogous to Britain and France are simply wrong. As the willingness of Democrats to rebuke Omar and the country’s response to Pittsburgh showed, America is still passing the anti-Semitism test with flying colors.
Unfortunately, the same can’t be said for either Britain or France, even if their governments are saying the right things about anti-Semitism.
Neither British Prime Minister Theresa nor Macron can be faulted for their willingness to address anti-Semitism. In May’s case, she has done it while staring directly at Corbyn as she faced him across the aisle in the House of Commons. And Macron’s willingness to speak out immediately—as he did after the most recent incidents, including the mobbing of Alain Finkielkraut, a leading French intellectual and television personality, by a group of “yellow-vests protesters—is similarly laudable.
But it’s also true that both May and Macron are currently deeply unpopular figures at home. May’s fumbling of the Brexit crisis and Macron’s elitist contempt for ordinary Frenchmen as he pursues climate-change goals have put them both under water in terms of popularity. These issues have also diminished their ability to help shift the culture away from anti-Semitism or to do anything about the routine targeting of Jews in either country.
In both countries, leftist ideologues and Muslim immigrants have created a broad movement of hate for Israel that is the thin veil covering a resurgence of anti-Semitism. Far from operating on the margins, the current state of both the “yellow vests” and Labour indicate that hatred of Jews has gone mainstream in a manner unknown since the Holocaust in Western Europe.
British and French Jews should not allow themselves to be intimidated, and it is heartening to realize that there are still plenty of decent people there who are willing to fight for the souls of their nations. But no one can say with any assurance that Jews have a future in places where anti-Semitism has so strong a hold on popular opinion. This is a sobering thought for those who love both Britain and France. It should also remind Americans to value the exceptional nature of their democracy.
3a) If you can’t defend Israel’s right to exist, don’t call yourself Jewish
Having been very active in political activism during my college years, I know firsthand very well what it means to deeply commit to a cause to the point where it becomes an integral part of who you are. It becomes your identity, forms the lens through which you perceive and understand the world and creates the community of like-minded people you feel most comfortable being around. This community supports you, validates you and reminds you that you’re not crazy for having the beliefs that you do. To enter into conflict with this community about almost anything can feel isolating, disorienting and lonely.
This is the unique and serious challenge and tragedy of the rise of intersectionality that we are seeing today as issues that traditionally belonged to separate social or political movements are conjoined to the point where they are presented to seem inseparable. Activists are expected to toe the party line on a menu of issues and those who do not run the risk of having their commitment to other causes questioned and deemed not wholehearted or authentic.
Nowhere do we see this phenomenon happening more than with the splicing of all kinds of issues and causes into the anti-Israel movement.
This was made evident in 2017 at the Dyke March in Chicago where three Jewish women waving rainbow flags embroidered with a Jewish star were told to leave the march because the flags were “triggering to people” and “made them feel unsafe.” When one of the women was asked if she is a Zionist, which let’s remember is the belief in the right of the Jewish people to a sovereign nation of their own primarily so they no longer have to rely on others to protect their basic human right to live, she responded, “Yes.” She was then told that the march was anti-Zionist and pro-Palestinian.
Imagine. At a pride march, where inclusivity is the main driving force, where people are demanding to be accepted for who they are and what they believe, Jews who support the State of Israel are not included. They are not welcome. They are asked to leave.
At that same march, one of the chants shouted by the participants was: “From Palestine to Mexico, border walls have got to go!”
Huh?? What do Palestine and Mexico and border walls have to do with a Pride March? Twenty years ago, when I was an activist in college, that would have been a very legitimate question. Today, it seems, it’s absurd to even ask. Of course they’re all connected. Everything’s connected, didn’t you know?!?
And then just a few of weeks ago, during the opening of an LGBTQ conference called Creating Change, activists rose uninvited to the stage and for 13 minutes led a protest for Palestinian liberation and against Zionism, screaming well-known chants such as “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free!” Event organizers were silent, allowing the protest to continue uninterrupted until the activists walked off the stage. (Again, what does Palestine and its potential future borders have anything to do with the LGBTQ cause??)
But the silence of the organizers doesn’t deeply bother me. I, like many others, have unfortunately become accustomed to the rants and raves of the anti-Zionists and the love and support that many in the greater activist community give them.
What does bother me is the silence of members of an organization that were present during this impromptu show of anti-Israel shouts and chants. This organization is called Keshet. As in the Hebrew word for “rainbow”. As in LGBTQ Jews who have formed a Jewish organization based on Jewish values so that they can teach others how Jewish values could and should guide their attitudes and actions towards members of the LGBTQ community. Including extending to them the Jewish values of respect, love and inclusivity.
But in a statement in reaction to claims that the protestors’ actions were anti-Semitic, Keshet had this to say:
“While we believe that criticism of Israel is at times anti-Semitic, we do not believe that it is necessarily anti-Semitic. In the case of this year’s Creating Change conference, we view blanket accusations of anti-Semitism as inflammatory and divisive.”
Inflammatory and divisive??
Calling out activists who scream “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free!”, a code word for the delegitimization of the very existence of the State of Israel, as anti-Semitic is divisive??
Criticizing them for publicly expressing their ardent disapproval of the mere existence of the Jewish state and their desire to dismantle it is inflammatory??
What is going on here?? What am I missing??
Keshet, where are the Jewish values of respect, love and inclusivity that you base your work on when it comes to the Jewish state?
How can you remain completely silent when the right to exist of your people’s one country is being completely trampled upon?
Say you don’t agree with the building of Israeli settlements. Sababa.
Say you wish the current Israeli government wasn’t so right wing. Fine. Say you don’t like Netanyahu. Ein ba’aya (No problem). I could deal with and respect all of that 100%.
But to remain silent in the presence of members of your movement openly declaring their desire to see Israel removed from the world map…that is crossing a line.
A major line.
And crossing that line takes you away from the Jewish people.
As a fellow activist, I can understand the fear of being isolated by your activist community, by those who you march with, meet with and dream with to bring about the world you want to see. It would not be easy nor comfortable to enter into conflict with those very same people.
But then again, being an activist, by definition, is not about doing what’s easy or comfortable. In fact, being an activist is all about challenging one’s self, as well as others, to stand up for what’s right and call out evil when you see it and when you hear it. As is being a Jew.
But in the moment when it was happening right in front of you, you didn’t.
And afterwards, when you were asked about it, after you had time to reflect and maybe react differently, you still refused so see it, to call it out, to call it what it was.
Keshet:
Keshet:
You had a chance to do something that, while not easy, as it would have potentially isolated you from those you stand with and exposed you in front of them as different and possibly as “other”, would have made you Jewish activists in the truest sense of both of those words.
Because there is no greater fight and no greater cause than to stand up for your people. To say to the anti-Israel activists found within your movement that your people, the Jewish people, have the right, like any other people, to self-determination in the form of their own country in their homeland. To explain to them that the same values of love and equality and inclusivity that the LGBTQ movement seeks for themselves should be extended to the world’s one Jewish state as well. To tell them that the establishment of a Palestinian state doesn’t have to, and should never, mean the erasing of the State of Israel.
But you didn’t.
And that’s a choice you made. A choice you have every right to make.
But, Keshet, just understand the consequences of such a decision:
You have crossed a line that, in doing so, distances you so far from the klal, from the kehilla, from the community that is the Jewish people, as to remove yourselves from the Jewish people and from the values and tradition that you call upon to frame and support your own work.
3b) NYU to Host Sarsour Despite Her Anti-Semitic Controversies
by IPT News
Linda Sarsour, dogged by accusations of anti-Semitism, will speak next month at a New York University program on immigration.
The announcement for the March 25 event, sponsored by NYU's Asian/Pacific/American Institute, makes no reference to Sarsour's divisive views. It ignored the fact that the national Women's March, which Sarsour helps lead, lost a number of significant sponsors including the Democratic National Committee (DNC), the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), Emily's List and the National Organization for Women (NOW), due to concerns about anti-Semitism and other issues from Sarsour and her colleagues.
Instead, it describes her as a "racial justice and civil rights activist" who is "[b]est known for her intersectional coalition work and efforts to build bridges across racial, ethnic, and faith communities."
The missing caveat: She'll build bridges as long as you share her hatred for Israel. In 2015, Sarsour pointedly rejected any solidarity gestures from people who want to stand by Muslims but also support Israel or oppose the campaign to boycott the Jewish state economically, academically and politically.
It built on her 2012 claim that "Nothing is creepier than Zionism," a tweet that remains on her feed today. And, as the Investigative Project on Terrorism reported last fall, Sarsour finds a way to blame Jews for police shootings of unarmed black people. She points to a program run by the Anti-Defamation League that takes police officials for a week of seminars in Israel, "so they can be trained by the Israeli police and military, and then they come back here and do what? Stop and frisk, killing unarmed black people across the country."
They are similar to a viewpoint she offered in 2015 during a speech at the 20th anniversary of avowed anti-Semite and Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan's "Million Man March."
"The same people who justify the massacres of Palestinian people and call it collateral damage are the same people who justify the murder of black young men and women," she said.
It's not as if NYU's Asian/Pacific/American Institute had no warning. Sarsour's 2017 participation on an anti-Semitism panel at the nearby New School drew widespread criticism.
NYU placed ninth among the nation's worst campuses for Jews in a 2016 Algemeiner assessment because "NYU's was one of the first graduate student governments to pass a BDS resolution, and Jewish students have been subject to antisemitic attacks, such as being served mock eviction notices." School officials pushed back, but in December, it temporarily shut down the Bronfman Center for Jewish Student Life after finding "several public online postings by an NYU student which were antisemitic in nature and potentially threatening."
Sarsour has not tried to explain or walk back her anti-Semitic comments. But she still is considered a worthy choice for an academic program at one of the country's most prestigious institutions. That's probably not going to help with those rankings.
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4)
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