Monday, June 23, 2014

Obama Was Warned and Refused To Listen! Don't Work and Get Paid !

The Government and Obamacare.  (See 1 below.)
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Hamas continues to threaten. (See 2 below.)
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It is becoming increasingly evident, Obama was warned, from a variety of sources (including Netanyahu) and through his own advisers, do not withdraw troops out of Iraq. 

Though Maliki was difficult to deal with GW did get a forces agreement and GW took Petraeus' advice , implemented 'the surge' and it worked.

Though calm descended and rage always remained beneath the surface,
Obama chose not to take their advice and chose not to press any advantage we had with Maliki. Further evidence Obama is a weak negotiator.

Now we are paying for Obama's fecklessness and incompetence  and it will only get worse because the decisions will become more difficult and he is incapable of making them. 

Lying, however, comes easy! (See 3 and 3a below.)
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It pays to be paid for doing nothing. 

This is a report from The Cato Institute and should raise your blood pressure a bit. (See 4 below.)
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Dick
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1)   Why Obamacare 'good news' applies only to the poor

To hear administration officials and their supporters in the press tell it, this is a great time for Obamacare. People who signed up for coverage are actually paying for it; more insurance companies are joining exchanges; some consumers have more choices than originally envisioned. "The news surrounding the Affordable Care Act has been so good this week, it's almost hard to know where to start," wrote MSNBC's Steve Benen in a recent post headlined "Everything's Coming Up Aces for the ACA."
Not so fast. Yes, Obamacare is a big help for those now receiving something substantial from the government -- large subsidies for the lowest-income Americans who purchase coverage on the exchanges, free health care for people eligible for the expanded Medicaid program.
But for millions of other Americans, it's a different story. In fact, one respected analyst worries that Obamacare, while helping some, is actually "creating a chronically uninsured class" of those ineligible for its taxpayer-paid assistance.
Of the much-discussed eight million Americans who have signed up for Obamacare, the "vast majority ... are receiving financial assistance," according to a Department of Health and Human Services report released this week. What that means is this: Of the eight million, about 85 percent, or 6.8 million, actually paid for coverage. Of those, about 87 percent, or 5.9 million, receive taxpayer-paid subsidies to help them pay.
In other words, nearly everyone who has bought insurance through the Obamacare exchanges has done so with money from the government. And the subsidies are significant — an average of $264 a month, according to HHS. The average monthly premium is $346, according to the report, so minus the $264 subsidy, the average subsidy recipient is paying a net cost of $82 a month for coverage. The government pays the rest.
"It would appear from this data that it is the lowest income people who are most often signing up for coverage," writes insurance industry analyst Bob Laszewski. "That explains why the average consumer subsidy is so high and the average net cost is so low."
The problem is, for those who are not eligible for subsidies, or for those eligible only for smaller subsidies, Obamacare still presents higher premiums, higher deductibles, and narrow networks of doctors and hospitals. "The Obamacare plans are unattractive to all but the poorest who get the biggest subsidies and the lowest deductibles," writes Laszewski. "The working class and middle class are not getting access to attractive benefits."
So they have not purchased coverage. The Democrats who created Obamacare planned to pressure them into doing so by imposing an individual mandate -- a penalty euphemistically called a "shared responsibility fee" -- on those who go uninsured. The idea was, the mandate would not only increase the coverage rate but also raise revenue for the federal government.
But now comes word that very few will pay the penalty. In a study released this week, the Congressional Budget Office said that of the 30 million people estimated to be uninsured in 2016, only about four million will be required to pay. The rest -- 26 million people -- will be exempt from the mandate under various regulations issued by the Obama administration.
So this is one vision of Obamacare's future: Lower-income Americans purchase insurance because they receive the biggest subsidies. Others with somewhat higher incomes are priced out of the Obamacare market. The individual mandate is meaningless. The net result is tens of millions remain without coverage. "Obamacare looks to be on its way to creating a chronically uninsured class," says Laszewski.
That's certainly not what Barack Obama promised when he said his plan would make health care "better for everybody." It's not what he promised when he said the Affordable Care Act would "cut the average family's premium by about $2,500 per year." It's not what he promised when he said Obamacare would "bend the cost curve" of health care.
What happens now? After Democrats finish crowing about what a success Obamacare is, it's likely they will argue that subsidies must be extended to more and more Americans to pay for coverage that Obamacare has made more and more expensive. Republicans will resist, but at the same time realize Obamacare has changed the health care system in ways that will be difficult to overturn and hard to fix.
And for those millions for whom Obamacare is a bad deal? They're just out of luck.
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2)  Hamas threatens third intifada amid ongoing IDF operation in West Bank
Author(s):  JPost.com Staff
     

(Hamas Photo: REUTERS)
Hamas threatened to ignite a third intifada on Thursday as the IDF continued to arrest Palestinian suspects in the West Bank as part of Israel's search for three teens kidnapped last week.
“We are capable of igniting a third Intifada and this is our irrevocable right. It will go off when enough pressure is exerted on the Palestinian people,” said Hamas senior official Salah Bardawil on Thursday.
Bardawil made his statements during a solidarity rally for the director of Hamas's TV network in the West Bank. He was detained by IDF forces on Wednesday. The rally was held in the Gaza Strip where Bardawil added, “We will not stand idly by in the face of occupation in the West Bank,” and claimed that the purpose of Israel's ongoing operation in the West Bank was to “wipe out Palestinian resistance.”
“Israel is also trying to sabotage the [Fatah-Hamas] reconciliation,” he stressed.
Fatah has previously condemned similar comments made by Hamas officials with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas calling the statements “irresponsible” and even “suspicious.”
“These three boys are human beings like us, and they should be returned to their families,” the Palestinian leader told foreign ministers at an Organization of the Islamic Conference gathering in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia on Wednesday.
Abbas also said that those behind the kidnapping “want to destroy us,” adding that they would be held accountable for their deed regardless of their identity.
Since the start of operations in the wake of the kidnapping of three teens, 280 Palestinians have been arrested, 53 of whom were freed in the deal to secure the release of Gilad Schalit.
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3) The Man Who Broke The Middle East
By Elliot Abrams






There’s always Tunisia. Amid the smoking ruins of the Middle East, there is that one encouraging success story. But unfortunately for the Obama narratives, the president had about as much as to do with Tunisia’s turn toward democracy as he did with the World Cup rankings. Where administration policy has had an impact, the story is one of failure and danger.

The Middle East that Obama inherited in 2009 was largely at peace, for the surge in Iraq had beaten down the al Qaeda-linked groups. U.S. relations with traditional allies in the Gulf, Jordan, Israel and Egypt were very good. Iran was contained, its Revolutionary Guard forces at home. Today, terrorism has metastasized in Syria and Iraq, Jordan is at risk, the humanitarian toll is staggering, terrorist groups are growing fast and relations with U.S. allies are strained.
How did it happen? Begin with hubris: The new president told the world, in his Cairo speech in June 2009, that he had special expertise in understanding the entire world of Islam—knowledge “rooted in my own experience” because “I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.” But President Obama wasn’t speaking that day in an imaginary location called “the world of Islam;” he was in Cairo, in the Arab Middle East, in a place where nothing counted more than power. “As a boy,” Obama told his listeners, “I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk.” Nice touch, but Arab rulers were more interested in knowing whether as a man he heard the approaching sound of gunfire, saw the growing threat of al Qaeda from the Maghreb to the Arabian Peninsula, and understood the ambitions of the ayatollahs as Iran moved closer and closer to a bomb.

Obama began with the view that there was no issue in the Middle East more central than the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Five years later he has lost the confidence of both Israeli and Palestinian leaders, and watched his second secretary of state squander endless efforts in a doomed quest for a comprehensive peace. Obama embittered relations with America’s closest ally in the region and achieved nothing whatsoever in the “peace process.” The end result in the summer of 2014 is to see the Palestinian Authority turn to a deal with Hamas for new elections that—if they are held, which admittedly is unlikely—would usher the terrorist group into a power-sharing deal. This is not progress.

The most populous Arab country is Egypt, where Obama stuck too long with Hosni Mubarak as the Arab Spring arrived, and then with the Army, and then the Muslim Brotherhood President Mohammed Morsi, and now is embracing the Army again. Minor failings like the persecution of newspaper editors and leaders of American-backed NGOs, or the jailing of anyone critical of the powers-that-be at a given moment, were glossed over. When the Army removed an elected president, that was not really a “coup”—remember? And as the worm turned, we managed to offend every actor on Egypt’s political stage, from the military to the Islamists to the secular democratic activists. Who trusts us now on the Egyptian political scene? No one.

But these errors are minor when compared to those in Iraq and Syria. When the peaceful uprising against President Bashar al-Assad was brutally crushed, Obama said Assad must go; when Assad used sarin gas, Obama said this was intolerable and crossed a red line. But behind these words there was no American power, and speeches are cheap in the Middle East. Despite the urgings of all his top advisers (using the term loosely; he seems to ignore their advice)—Panetta at CIA and then Defense, Clinton at State, Petraeus at CIA, even Dempsey at the Pentagon—the president refused to give meaningful assistance to the Syrian nationalist rebels. Assistance was announced in June 2013 and then again in June 2014 (in the president’s West Point speech) but it is a minimal effort, far too small to match the presence of Hezbollah and Iranian Quds Force fighters in Syria. Arabs see this as a proxy war with Iran, but in the White House the key desire is to put all those nasty Middle Eastern wars behind us. So in the Middle East American power became a mirage, something no one could find—something enemies did not fear and allies could not count on.

The humanitarian result has been tragic: At least 160,000 killed in Syria, perhaps eight million displaced. More than a million Syrian refugees in Lebanon (a country of four million people, before Obama added those Syrians), about a million and a quarter Syrian refugees in Jordan (population six million before Obama). Poison gas back on the world scene as a tolerated weapon, with Assad using chlorine gas systematically in “barrel bombs” this year and paying no price whatsoever for this and for his repeated attacks on civilian targets. Both of the key officials handling Syria for Obama—State Department special envoy Fred Hof and 
Ambassador Robert Ford—resigned in disgust when they could no longer defend Obama’s hands-off policy. Can Samantha Power be far behind, watching the mass killings and seeing her president respond to them with rhetoric?

The result in security terms is even worse: the largest gathering of jihadis we have ever seen, 12,000 now and expanding.They come from all over the world, a jihadi Arab League, a jihadi EU, a jihadi U.N. Two or three thousand are from Europe, and an estimated 70 from the United States. When they go home, some no doubt disillusioned but many committed, experienced and well trained, “home” will be Milwaukee and Manchester and Marseille—and, as we see now on the front pages, to Mosul. When Obama took office there was no such phenomenon; it is his creation, the result of his passivity in Syria while Sunnis were being slaughtered by the Assad regime.


And now they have spread back into Iraq in sufficient numbers to threaten the survival of its government. Obama has reacted, sending 300 advisers, a number that may presage further expansion of American military efforts. Perhaps they will find good targets, and be the basis for American air strikes and additional diplomatic pressure. But we had won this game, at great expense, before Obama walked away. The fiery rage of Iraqi Sunnis at the government in Baghdad had been banked by 2009. American diplomatic efforts, whose power was based in the American military role, disappeared under Obama, who just wanted out. It was his main campaign pledge. So we got out, fully, completely, cleanly—unless you ask about the real world of Iraq instead of the imaginary world of campaign speeches. We could no longer play the role we had played in greasing relations between Kurds, Shia and Sunnis, and in constraining 

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s sectarian excesses. The result was an Iraq spinning downward into the kind of Sunni-Shia confrontation we had paid so dearly to stop in 2007 and 2008, and ISIS—the newest moniker for al Qaeda in Iraq—saw its chance, and took it.

So now we’re back in Iraq—or maybe not. Three hundred isn’t a very large number; it is instead reminiscent of the 600 soldiers Obama sent to Central and Eastern Europe after the Russians grabbed Crimea and started a war in Ukraine. Who is reassured by that number, 600, and who is scared by it? Same question for Iraq: Are the Gulf allies reassured by “up to 300” advisers? Is Gen. Qassem Soleimani, the dark mastermind of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, quaking now?

If there is one achievement of Obama policy in the Middle East (because Tunisia’s genuine success isn’t America’s to claim) it is to advance reconciliation between Israel and the Gulf states. This will not be celebrated by the White House, however, because they are joined mostly in fear and contempt for American policy, but it is an interesting development nonetheless. If there is one thing the Gulf Sunni kingdoms understand, it is power—in this case, the Iranian power they fear (as they once feared Saddam’s power, and were saved from it by America). The king of Jordan incautiously spoke several years ago about a “Shia crescent,” but even he must have thought it would take far longer to develop. A map that starts with Hezbollah in Beirut’s southern suburbs and traces lines through Syria and Iraq into Iran would now not be just a nightmare vision, but an actual accounting of where Iran’s forces and allies and sphere of influence lie.That’s what the Saudis, Emiratis, Kuwaitis and others see around them, growing year by year while their former protector dithers. They see one other country that “gets it,” sees the dangers the same way, understands Iran’s grasp at hegemony just as they do: Israel. Oh to be a fly on the wall at the secret chats among Sunni Gulf security officials and their Israeli counterparts, which must be taking place in London and Zurich and other safe European capitals. In the world they all inhabit the weak disappear, and the strong survive and rule. They are the ultimate realists, and they do not call what they see in Washington “realpolitik.”

From World War II, or at least from the day the British left Aden, the United States has been the dominant power in the Middle East. Harry Truman backed the Zionists and Israel came into being; we opposed Suez so the British, French and Israelis backed off; we became the key arms supplier for all our friends and kept the Soviets out; we reversed Saddam’s grabbing of Kuwait; we drove him from power; we drew a red line against chemical warfare; we said an Iranian bomb was unacceptable.

But that red line then disappeared in a last-minute reversal by the president that to this day is mentioned in every conversation about security in the Middle East, and no Arab or Israeli leader now trusts that the United States will stop the Iranian bomb. After all, we have passively watched al Qaeda become a major force in the heart of the region, and watched Iran creep closer to a nuclear weapon, and watched Iran send expeditionary forces to Syria—unopposed by any serious American pushback. Today no one in the Middle East knows what the rulebook is and whether the Americans will enforce any rules at all. No one can safely tell you what the borders of Iraq or Syria will be a few years hence. No one can tell you whether American power is to be feared, or can safely be derided.

That’s the net effect of five and a half years of Obama policy. And, to repeat, it is Obama policy: not the collective wisdom of Kerry and Clinton and Panetta and Petraeus and other “advisers,” but the very personal set of decisions by the one true policymaker, the man who came to office thinking he had a special insight into the entire world of Islam. In the Middle East today, the “call of the azaan” is as widely heard as Obama remembered from Indonesia. But when leaders look around they see clever, well-resourced challenges from Shia and Sunni extremists armed to the teeth, with endless ambitions, willing to kill and kill to grasp power—and far more powerful today than the day this president came into office. They do not see an American leader who fully understands those challenges and who realizes that power, not speeches, must be used to defend our friends and allies and interests. So there’s one other thing a lot of Israeli and Arab leaders share, as they shake their heads and compare notes in those secret meetings: an urgent wish that Jan. 20, 2017, were a lot closer.





Elliott Abrams is senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C. He served as a deputy national security adviser in the administration of George W. Bush.


3a)



Counting Lies: How Obama Deepens Distrust in the Presidency

From Vietnam and Watergate to Bush's "935 lies" on Iraq, book calls for new "future of truth."


(
Along with two wars and massive debt, President Bush left Barack 
Obama a legacy of false statements—nearly 1,000 of them on the
 Iraq War alone, according to Charles Lewis, author of 935 Lies: The
 Future of Truth and the Decline of America's Moral Integrity.

After promising the most transparent and ethical administration in 
history, Obama picked up where Bush left off—further eroding the 
public's faith in the presidency. In his first term, Obama secretly 
expanded Bush's antiterrorism policies and, during his reelection 
campaign, he assured Americans that their existing health insurance
 would not be threatened by Obamacare.

"Deceptions like these," Lewis writes, "some by omission, other by
 commission, make a mockery of our political discourse."

This book should be required reading for every president, governor,
 lawmaker, judge, and journalist; for every arrogant and overachieving
 political staffer; and for every marketer, ad-maker, and product
spokesman using deception to sell their goods—from packs of 
cigarettes to members of Congress.

Because the book is a warning: Every lie and subtle distortion 
undermines not only your boss but your entire industry and country.
 "My career in journalism has coincided with a tragic period in 
American history—one in which falsehood has increasingly come to
 dominate our public discourse, and in which the bedrock values of 
honesty, transparency, accountability, and integrity we once took for
 granted have been steadily eroded," writes Lewis, who has spent 30
 years in journalism and founded the Center for Public Integrity.
It is no coincidence that, during this same period, the American public
 has lost faith in virtually every social institution—particularly politics,
 government, and the media.

Lewis says early in the book that he will explore "how and why our 
national commitment to integrity has been eroded; how a relative 
handful of reporters, activists, and other truth-seekers have tried to
 fight back in an increasingly unsupportive, vacuous media
 environment; and what we can do as a nation to reverse this tragic
 trend."

He starts with the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks and a Center for Public 
Integrity report documenting at least 935 false statements about the
 national security threat posed by Iraq. "The carefully orchestrated 
campaign of untruths about Iraq's alleged threat to U.S. national 
security from its WMDs or links to al-Qaida (also specious) galvanized
 public opinion and led the nation to war under decidedly false 
pretenses," he writes.

In addition to the meticulously documented CPI report, Lewis reminds
 readers that the Pentagon quietly recruited and coached 75 retired
 military officers to make the case for war under the guise of being
 "independent" radio and TV consultants. The media was otherwise
 complicit: At least 20 federal agencies, including the Pentagon and
 Census Bureau, produced and distributed hundreds of TV news 
segments between 2001 and 2005 without any acknowledgment of 
the government's role.

Could the Iraq War have been prevented? "I believe the answer to 
that grim question is very possibly yes," Lewis writes, "and it will 
haunt me and others in my profession for years to come."
He dedicates a chapter to corporate America's history of lies and
 another to the media, a profession he says is hemorrhaging 
revenue, talent, and integrity. In a chapter titled "Our First Casualty,
" Lewis draws a direct line from the lies that
 started and extended the Vietnam War to the cover-up of the 
Watergate break-in. "The quest for the truth," Lewis writes, "has 
become more marginalized than ever before in our recent history."

For the Obama administration, the book should be a lesson in the 
consequences of shading the truth for short-term gain. A video 
caused the Benghazi attack … If you like your doctor, you can keep
 your doctor … The website works for a vast majority of people … 
Not even a smidgen of corruption occurred at the IRS … Oops, we
 lost Lois Lerner's emails … Veterans don't wait long for health 
care … Watchdog journalism isn't a crime … Our administration 
protects whistleblowers … NSA doesn't collect any type of data 
hundreds of millions of Americans—at least not wittingly.

Too often, the Obama administration has peddled bad information—
knowingly (a lie) and unknowingly (incompetence and recklessness), 
because the president and his team have determined that, in 
Washington's toxic environment, the unmitigated truth is a 
vulnerability. They couldn't be more wrong.

Obama's apologists will accuse Lewis and me of "false equivalence." 
They will say, correctly, that there is no comparison between 
Bush-era deceptions that dragged a country into war and the worst 
of Obama's distortions. They miss the point.

A president doesn't build trust by being dishonest about lesser 
events than his predecessor. Authentic leaders don't parse 
wrongdoing; they avoid it and own up to it. Two wrongs don't make a
 right on your child's playground; why should it be OK at your White
 House? The point is to remind the nation's leaders—heads of every
 institution, including government and the media—that any breach of
 trust frays the social fabric.

If that doesn't matter to Obama and his minions, they should ask his 
multiple pollsters for an honest assessment of the president's 
tumbling credibility, including the connection to his low approval
 rating.

Lewis offers a thin silver lining. He says "the future of truth" lies in us,
 the people. Technology empowers the individual like never before, 
he suggests, and the business of journalism will evolve. "[The] urge 
to discover and report the truth is a deep human instinct that even
 powerful political, economic, and social pressures can never 
extinguish." I hope he's right.

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4)   OBSCENE SALARIES.
THE WORK ETHIC WE INHERITED GROWING UP HAS FALLEN PREY TO THE 'WELFARE' SYSTEM
The Cato Institute released an updated 2013 study (original study in 1955) showing that welfare benefits pay more than a minimum wage job in 33 states and the District of Columbia . Even worse, welfare pays more than $15 per hour in 13 states. According to the study, welfare benefits have increased faster than minimum wage. It’s now more profitable to sit at home than it is to earn an honest day’s pay.
Hawaii is the biggest offender, where welfare recipients earn $29.13 per hour, or a $60,590 yearly salary, all for doing nothing.
Here is the list of the states where the pre-tax equivalent “salary” that welfare recipients receive is higher than having a job:
1. Hawaii : $60,590
2. District of Columbia : $50,820
3. Massachusetts : $50,540
4. Connecticut : $44,370
5. New York : $43,700
6. New Jersey : $43,450
7. Rhode Island : $43,330
8. Vermont : $42,350
9. New Hampshire : $39,750
10. Maryland : $38,160
11. California : $37,160
12. Oregon : $34,300
13. Wyoming : $32,620
14. Nevada : $29,820
15. Minnesota : $29,350
16. Delaware : $29,220
17. Washington : $28,840
18. North Dakota : $28,830
19. Pennsylvania : $28,670
20. New Mexico : $27,900
21. Montana : $26,930
22. South Dakota : $26,610
23. Kansas : $26,490
24. Michigan : $26,430
25. Alaska : $26,400
26. Ohio : $26,200
27. North Carolina : $25,760
28. West Virginia : $24,900
29. Alabama : $23,310
30. Indiana : $22,900
31. Missouri : $22,800
32. Oklahoma : $22,480
33. Louisiana : $22,250
34. South Carolina : $21,910
As a point of reference the average Middle Class annual income today is $50,000, down from $54,000 at the beginning of the Great Recession. Hawaii, DC, and Massachusetts pay more in welfare than the average working folks earn there. Is it any wonder that they stay home rather than look for a job. Time for a drastic change. America is virtually bankrupt
Are we Nuts or what? How do we un-do this type of stupidity on the part of Americans?
This is crazy!
Salary of retired US Presidents $180,000 FOR LIFE
Salary of House/Senate. $174,000 FOR LIFEThis is stupid.
Salary of Speaker of the House. $223,500 FOR LIFE! This is really stupid.
Salary of Majority/Minority Leader $193,400 FOR LIFE!Ditto last line.
Average Salary of a teacher. $40,065
Average Salary of Soldier DEPLOYED IN
AFGHANISTAN . $38,000
Think about this.
Nancy Pelosi will retire as a Congress Person at $174,000 Dollars a year for LIFE. She has retired as SPEAKER at $223,500 a year. PLUS she will receive an additional $193,400 a year as Minority Leader. 
That's $590,900 Dollars a year for LIFE including FREE medical which is not available to us. the taxpayers

She is just one of the hundreds of Senators and Congress that float in and out every year!
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