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What could possibly go wrong?
Last February, the Islamic State boasted it would soon flood Europe with as many as 500,000 refugees.
And the Lebanese Education Minister recently said that there were 20,000 jihadis among the refugees in
camps in his country. Meanwhile, 80% of migrants who have recently come to Europe claiming to be
fleeing the war in Syria aren’t really from Syria at all.
So why are they claiming to be Syrian and streaming into Europe, and now the U.S. as well? An Islamic
State operative gave the answer when he boasted in September, shortly after the migrant influx began,
that among the flood of refugees, 4,000 Islamic State jihadis had already entered Europe. He explained
their purpose: “It’s our dream that there should be a caliphate not only in Syria but in all the world, and
we will have it soon, inshallah.” These Muslims were going to Europe in the service of that caliphate:
“They are going like refugees,” he said, but they were going with the plan of sowing blood and mayhem
on European streets. As he told this to journalists, he smiled and said, “Just wait.” We are waiting in the
U.S. as well.
“State seeks to pick up pace on bringing Syrian refugees to US,” by Kristina Wong, The Hill, April 16,
2016:
The State Department is hoping to bring an average of nearly 1,500 Syrian refugees to the United
States per month in order to meet President Obama’s target of settling 10,000 refugees in the country by
September.
About 1,300 refugees have already been placed in the United States since Obama first made the
commitment in September.
That’s far fewer than those taken in by European countries such as Germany, who has dealt with an
unprecedented wave of migrants fleeing Syria’s civil war, as well as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
Yet the settlement has provoked a significant backlash, mostly from Republicans, who argue it puts the
U.S. at risk from terrorism.
“It’s clear that ISIS wants to, has planned on attempting to infiltrate refugee populations. This is a
problem. If one person gets through who is planning a terrorist attack in our country, that’s a problem,”
House Speaker Paul Ryan, who recently returned from a trip to the region, said Thursday.
“The administration — whether it’s Homeland Security or the FBI, cannot tell us that they can
adequately screen people. There isn’t really a Syrian to talk to on that end of the equation to vet people,
so it is a problem,” Ryan told reporters….
State Department officials have also said they are hoping to bring in even more than 10,000 Syrian
refugees this fiscal year, since there is currently a ceiling of 85,000 refugees to the U.S., and it does not
limit them by nationality.
However, the plan to bring in 8,700 more refugees in the next several months will face stiff opposition,
especially if it gains attention in the presidential race….
“What the people of the United States should understand is that our intention is to help the most
vulnerable people and to do it in a way that respects the security of our nation,” Bartlett said. “This
operation is consistent with that goal.”
How?
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 2)OBAMA WINS HIS WAR ON U.S. MILITARY
Exclusive: Joseph Farah says president 'has done what no foreign enemy could' Congratulations are in order for Barack Obama.
The American military has never been beaten on the battlefield by any foe in any war.
But Obama’s eight-year war on the U.S. military has been a total success. By stripping it
of its resources,
demoralizing its soldiers, sailors and airmen, by purging its best commanders, Obama
has done what no foreign enemy could do in 240 years.
He’s destroyed it.
That’s the assessment of U.S. military chiefs who testified before Congress last week
and told slack-jawed members they have grave concerns about their ability to fight a war
against any committed enemy – Russia, China, Iran or even North Korea.
They openly expressed worries about a lack of resources and training that would be
necessary in any such fight.
U.S. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Mark Milley told the House Armed Services Committee
hearing that he had deep concerns about the military’s readiness if America was to fight a “great power war”
with China, Russia, Iran or North Korea.
Gen. Milley said the Army “is not at the levels that can execute satisfactorily … in terms
of time, cost in terms of casualties or cost in terms of military objectives.” Air Force Secretary Deborah James – who was also speaking at the hearing – said half
of her combat forces were not “sufficiently ready” for fighting against a country like Russia. She said: “Money is helpful for readiness,
but freeing up the time of our people to go and do this training is equally important.”
Earlier this month, Air Force officials admitted they were facing a shortage of more than
500 fighter pilots – a gap expected to increase to more than 800 by 2022.
Concern over a more assertive Russia was highlighted earlier this month by Air Force
Gen. Philip Breedlove, who branded Russia a “long-term existential threat to the United
States.” “Our ability to meet other regional requirements for major contingency plans, we
would be able to do that, but we probably would not be able to do that in the time frame
that the current plans call for us to arrive to participate in that conflict,” Gen. Robert Neller
testified.
The Marines would “surge” in such a fight, Neller said, and “provide the best, ready force
that we can because that’s what you expect from your Marine Corps.” “If that were to happen, I would have grave concerns about the readiness of our force: to
deal with that in a timely manner,” Milley said. “The cost in terms of time, troops and the
ability to accomplish military objectives would be very significant.”
Milley added: “The United Sates Army right now, you can take it to the bank, is ready to
fight ISIS, al-Qaida, al-Nusra and any other terrorist group. When we talk about risk,
we’re talking about great-power war with one or two countries: China, Russia, Iran and
North Korea.”
“We can collectively roll the dice and say those days will never come, and that’s a course
of action; that is not a course of action I would advise,” Milley said. “There is a high level
of risk associated with those contingencies right now.”
The Army, the largest of the armed forces, tackles 46 percent of demand from regional
combatant commands and has suffered the majority of the casualties over the last 15
years, Milley said.
The military’s anti-terrorism and counterinsurgency focus of the last 15 years has
shortchanged the Army’s training and preparedness to fight high-end threats, hybrid
threats, enemy artillery and enemy electronic warfare, Milley said.
In the Marine Corps, deployment rates are similarly stressing people and equipment,
particularly aviation platforms, which Neller said are undergoing a widespread overhaul.
The service needs to repair old aircraft – an activity that is fully funded in the 2017
budget proposal – and buy new aircraft.
Committee Chairman Mac Thornberry, R-Texas, touted the rising number of military
aircraft accidents as a symptom of an underfunded military and waning readiness. Both
Neller and Milley said they were concerned by the trend.
The Army’s mishap rate rose from 1.52 per 100,000 flight hours in 2014 to 1.99 in 2016,
Thornberry said. The Marine Corps’ mishap rate climbed from an annual average of 2.15
mishaps per 100,000 flying hours of the last 10 years to 3.96 in 2016.
The Marine Corps was closely tracking the accidents, but the Marines, Neller said, “don’t
have enough airplanes to meet the training requirements for the entire force.” Sounds serious, right?
Did you hear this on ABC, NBC or CBS? How about CNN or Fox News? Did you read
about it in the New York Times or Washington Post? Neither did I.
I wonder why? It’s an election year, isn’t it?
Shouldn’t the American people know about the purposeful dismantling of the American
military machine?
The U.S. can't be the sole guardian of the Gulf forever. It's time to bring in some more friends.
There are several reasons why today’s summit in Riyadh has little chance of overhauling the tense U.S.-
Gulf partnership, even aside from President Barack Obama publicly calling his Middle Eastern partners
“free-riders” and advising them to “share the region” with bellicose Iran. None is more important than
the U.S. struggle to identify a long-term strategy that reflects our genuine political-military commitment
to our partners and preserves Gulf security.
We are struggling in large part because we still haven’t solved an age-old dilemma in the Middle East.
We have partners who seem committed to security cooperation; many of their contributions to
counterterrorism and other security issues have been extremely helpful. But most Middle East states have
vastly under-performed in their efforts to make the political reforms that would be the most critical
enabler of security and stability. As long as this imbalance exists, regional security and collective
interests will continue to be at risk.
Yet we have done almost nothing to explore how we might overhaul our own efforts in the region. If our
Gulf partners are guilty of falling short on the issue of reform – and most of them are – we also are guilty
of repeating an outdated Gulf strategy and expecting it to generate different results.
Pax Americana in the Gulf is changing and perhaps over. The influence we have enjoyed since Great
Britain withdrew most of its military forces from the region in the early 1970s is gone. Why? It’s no
secret: iron-fisted autocracies, the Internet, generational shifts, regional transformation and chaos
resulting from the Arab uprisings, 40 years of warfare, the Islamic State, and U.S. priorities elsewhere.
We’re now seeing an acceleration of the transition from a Gulf security architecture with almost
exclusive U.S. access and control to a more penetrated system in which the United States is militarily
dominant, but major powers like Russia, China, the United Kingdom, and France are more confidently
stepping in, pursuing their self-interests, and assuming more expansive political, economic, and security
roles that either compete with or complement U.S. policies and interests.
Obama is right about one thing. We cannot continue to help police the Gulf as we did in the past. We
have to invest in closer consultation and collaboration with NATO allies France and Britain, who have
recently formulated plans to amplify their political-military presence in the region. Paired with strategic
dialogue with adversaries such as Russia and China, that basic multilateral architecture would be more
sustainable.
Obama’s top priority at the summit should be consulting with Gulf leaders on this new U.S. strategy.
Riyadh is not the time and place to backslap or bemoan the promises made at last year’s Camp David
summit. They must think beyond tactical wish lists and elevate the conversation to strategic levels. The
Arab Gulf states might not show interest in increased and more formal British and French roles in Gulf
security, and might even see this as another sign of a U.S. desire to reduce its regional footprint, but they
will most probably appreciate the United States showing up with big ideas and new thinking.
Having traveled extensively to the Gulf region in recent years and met with various senior officials to
discuss relations with the United States and the West, I suspect that most Arab Gulf States would be quite
receptive to a deeper involvement of the British and the French under American leadership. Indeed, a
P3+1 model for Gulf security, comprising a forum of the United States, UK, France, and a Gulf party, is
likely to be well received by most Arab Gulf capitals. Whether the Gulf would be represented by a
leading state or the Gulf Cooperation Council, or GCC, would be up to the Arab Gulf States to decide.
The UK and France most effectively could work on political-cultural dialogue, capacity building, training,
counterterrorism, joint military exercises, and defense industrial modernization.
The sight of American, British, and French forces conducting joint exercises with Arab Gulf militaries
would reassure Gulf partners and send a signal to post-sanctions Iran. Moreover, the group could more
effectively and efficiently address Iran’s successful asymmetric warfare and the threats posed by terrorist
organizations, including ISIS and al-Qaeda.
Russia and China would object. But it is worth emphasizing that they do not dispute that the U.S. has a
key role in Gulf security and the Middle East more broadly. They have incentives to preserve and work
within U.S. hegemony in the short and medium term, Russia’s intervention in Syria notwithstanding.
No U.S. official in the Pentagon, State Department, or elsewhere would like to see the United States’
strategic influence in the Gulf further wane. But our regional strategy needs a thorough update. The
United States cannot indefinitely secure that region. As one senior U.S. military official recently put it
privately, “the free-rider problem will not go away on its own.”
Bilal Y. Saab is senior fellow for Middle East Security with the Atlantic Council's Brent Scowcroft Center
on International Security.
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