Wednesday, November 29, 2023

54th Day Fighting Clock, Biden Etc. Leave Biased U.N. More Corruption. Nasser Bends.

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Israel’s 54th Day of War – The 6th Day of the “Pause”

 

By Sherwin Pomerantz

 

On this, the 54th day of war in Israel, 10 more hostages came home last night and another round of 10 are expected later today as well.   As of last night 60 Israelis had been freed from Hamas captivity.  

 

Asto what will happen when the official pause in hostilities officially ends on Thursday morning at 7 AM, Qatar is seeking to mediate a deal that would allow for the release of all the hostages.  Qatar and Egypt, are mediating indirect talks between Hamas and Israel in Doha with the help of the US.  Israeli officials were in Doha today to take part in the talks.  The negotiators are reportedly working on two deals simultaneously with the larger one possibly including an end to the Gaza war that began on October 7th but this has been on hold since Friday.

 

The first arrangement could see the release of 20 to 30 Israelis over the next two to three days through an extension of an existing deal, leaving slightly less than 150 left in captivity by Sunday. The issue is highly pressurized given tomorrow morning’s deadline for the expiration of the current arrangement.

 

The second and larger deal under discussion would allow for those 150 Israeli captives yet in Gaza, out of the 240 hostages Hamas seized during its infiltration of southern Israel on October 7, to be freed.

 

The initial deal which went into effect last Friday sought to secure the release of all 98 women and children in Gaza.  To date, there are still some eight Israelis ages 18 and under who are being forcibly held in the enclave. 

 

The initial release was based on three formulas. Ten Israeli hostages are worth 24 hours of a lull in the Gaza War, which has been paused since Friday morning to allow for captive releases. For every day the Gaza war is on hold, at least 200 trucks of humanitarian aid can also enter the Strip.

 

For every Israeli woman or child captive freed, Israel would release three jailed Palestinian women and minors held on security-related offenses. To date, some 180 such prisoners have been freed and another 30 are set to be released tonight.

 

An article about the potential deal published in the Washington Post on Wednesday said the new deal would separate the remaining hostages into five categories. This would be men who are too old for reserve duty, male reservists, men serving in the army, the five fable soldiers, and those who have died.

 

It’s expected that Hamas could support a deal for the release of all the hostages, if it includes the release of Palestinian men jailed for serious terror offenses.

 

The breaking point is expected to be any inclusion in the deal of an end to the Gaza war.  We have been clear about our intention to resume the miliary campaign to oust Hamas from Gaza once the hostages are freed. Hamas, in turn, wants to free hostages in exchange for an end to the war.

 

Israel has considered Hamas to be an existential threat that must be eliminated since the October 7 attack in which the terror group killed over 1,200 people, burning, dismembering and raping many of them.

 

In a first violation of the pause by Hamas, a few IEDs were detonated in northern Gaza close to the location of Israeli troops.  Fortunately, there we no casualties on our side.  

 

Today, the 16th of the Hebrew month of Kislev (Kaf Tet b’November) marks 76 years since the United Nations vote that established two states for two peoples, one for Jews and one for Arabs.  Sadly, had the Arab leadership at the time accepted that decision, today the Palestinians would have been celebrating 75 years of independence.  Instead, all of Israel’s neighbors attacked the nascent State of Israel when it was established after the British exited in May 1948 and the rest is history.  Talk about snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.   Am Yisrael Chai……The People of Israel Live.

 

 

Sherwin Pomerantz has lived in Israel for 40 years, is CEO of Atid EDI Ltd., a international business development consultancy.  He is also the Founder and Chair of the American State Offices Association, former National President of the Association of Americans and Canadians in Israel and a past Chairperson of the Board of the Pardes Institute of Jewish Studies.


And:

Now fighting the clock and I would add Biden, The State Department, The CIA and assorted anti-Semites in the Administration.

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The Hostage Deal Means Israel Is Fighting the Clock

With a short cease-fire reportedly going into effect Friday, Hamas has seized control of the war’s timetable.

By Dominic Green


With a four-day cease-fire reportedly going into effect Friday, time isn’t on Israel’s side in its war with Hamas in Gaza. Israel already faces challenges unprecedented in the history of war. A terrorist enemy dedicated to its destruction holds hundreds of hostages in a complex tunnel network and uses civilians as human shields. Israeli society, already riven by political infighting, is traumatized by Hamas’s Oct. 7 assault and divided over how to handle the hostage crisis. Further cease-fires mean the recovery of more hostages, but this will slow and eventually halt Israel’s effort to break Hamas’s control over Gaza. That would be a strategic defeat for both Israel and the U.S.


Israel needs time to root out Hamas. But the longer the war goes on, the likelier it is to spiral into a regional conflict drawing in the U.S. Since Oct. 17, Iranian-supplied militias have hit U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria with more than 60 rocket attacks. If a rocket or drone kills American troops, the Biden administration will face a crisis of its own. It could either retaliate against Iran and risk unpredictable military, economic and electoral consequences, or retreat from the Mideast, abandoning Israel and ceding a crucial region in the U.S.’s great-power struggle with China.


Few observers are better placed to understand these dilemmas than Michael Oren. An Israeli-American historian of the U.S.’s relationship with the Middle East, Mr. Oren served in Gaza with the Israel Defense Forces, then advised on several rounds of peace negotiations with the Palestinians. He was Israel’s ambassador to Washington during the Obama years. He held the Gaza brief as Benjamin Netanyahu’s deputy prime minister.


Mr. Oren praises President Biden’s forthright support of Israel. He agrees with the president’s statement that “a ceasefire is not peace” as long as Hamas “clings to its ideology of destruction.” It is war by other means, allowing the terrorists to “rebuild their stockpile of rockets, reposition fighters and restart the killing by attacking innocents again.” Mr. Oren expects U.S. and international pressure for cease-fires to grow “exponentially” in the coming weeks.


A cease-fire deprives Israel of military momentum and transfers the initiative to Hamas. Now that Israel has agreed to a short cease-fire, the Biden administration and its Qatari interlocutors will expect longer cease-fires. Hamas will remain armed and dangerous in Gaza, despite Israel’s war aims and the U.S.’s stated goals, and will use this cease-fire to regroup. The cease-fire’s terms allow Hamas to extend the truce by releasing 10 hostages a day. As the possibility of a permanent truce nears, and as Hamas starts to trade adult, male and military hostages, the group’s demands will rise. The U.S. will pressure Israel to release hundreds of Palestinian terrorists.


The partial hostage release also increases pressure inside Israel for further cease-fires. Israeli society, and Mr. Netanyahu’s cabinet, are already split by a real-life “Sophie’s choice”: Who is returned home, and who is left behind? The Israeli government insists its Gaza campaign will resume once the cease-fire lapses, but a combination of domestic and international pressures may prevent Israel from regaining military momentum. The State Department is already refusing to endorse an Israeli move into southern Gaza, citing humanitarian concerns.


A temporary cease-fire that becomes permanent is incompatible with the Biden administration’s commitment to Israel’s security. More than 200,000 Israelis are internally displaced from the southern regions adjoining Gaza and the northern border with Lebanon. This cease-fire with Hamas won’t return those Israelis home. It will, however, embolden Iran and its proxies, none of whom are parties to the cease-fire deal. Hezbollah’s attacks across Israel’s northern border have intensified in recent weeks, as has the pace of rocket attacks by Iranian-sponsored militias on American bases in Iraq and Syria. The Houthis of Yemen, removed from the Foreign Terrorist Organizations list when the Biden administration came into office, have hijacked a cargo ship in the Red Sea and launched ballistic missiles at Israel.


“What’s going to happen when the message gets out that we can be hit more or less with impunity, and when we try to defend ourselves, someone’s going to slap a cease-fire on us?” Mr. Oren asks.


Restoring Israel’s deterrence is a matter of survival for the Jewish state. It’s also an asset that the U.S. is defending by resupplying Israel and sending out two carrier strike groups to the region. Israelis now appreciate the indispensability of American support more than at any time since the 1973 Yom Kippur War. It’s vital the Biden administration uses its leverage wisely.


Mr. Oren endorses reports that after Oct. 7 Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant advised launching a pre-emptive strike on Hezbollah before addressing Hamas’s smaller rocket arsenal in Gaza. Mr. Gallant was overruled in the cabinet partly, Mr. Oren believes, because of “tremendous pressure” from the Biden administration. The president’s one-word warning to Iran and its assets—“Don’t”—also applies to Israel.


Mr. Oren hears several clocks ticking at once. A short cease-fire won’t slow any of them, and it will exacerbate some of their pressures. There is the “ammo clock”: The IDF needs to be resupplied consistently with U.S.-made advanced munitions. There is the “reservist clock”: Israel has mobilized an army equivalent to those of Britain and France combined; its young men and women, he says, form “the backbone of our high-tech economy.” There is the “economic clock”: Foreign investment and tourism have collapsed, and Israel is burning money on the war. There is the “humanitarian clock”: Footage continues to show civilian casualties and more than a million displaced Gazans.


Israel needs to stop these clocks to survive. The Biden administration should create time and diplomatic space for Israel’s forces to break Hamas. That means preventing the terrorists from setting the timetable in the Gaza war, letting Israel strike Hezbollah as necessary, and re-establishing American deterrence against Iranian-sponsored rocket attacks. It also means rethinking America’s Iran strategy.


Israel’s leaders, Mr. Oren among them, made the mistake of believing Hamas could be bought off with Qatari cash and work permits. The Obama administration, he says, “made the same mistake” about Iran. The Biden administration, which transferred $6 billion to Iran to secure the release of five American hostages in September and allowed sanctions on Iran’s missile technology to lapse, is under the same delusion. The Democrats’ long campaign to escape the Mideast by placating Iran has “completely boomeranged” in “abject failure,” Mr. Oren says. The U.S. has been dragged back into the region by Iranian-sponsored aggression.


Two other clocks are ticking: the countdown to Iran’s nuclear breakout and the countdown to what Mr. Oren calls the “crunch” moment when an Iranian missile takes American lives or hits a U.S. Navy vessel. That would also be a direct hit on “the contradictions of American policy.” Time is tight for Israel, but the U.S. is approaching a fateful moment too.


Mr. Green is a Journal contributor and a fellow of the Royal Historical Society.

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B-2 stealth bombers have become the first aircraft ready to employ the advanced B61-12 nuclear bomb in combat.


https://www.realcleardefense.com/2023/11/29/b-2_spirit_now_operational_with_new_b61-12_nuclear_bombs_995574.html

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Leave The U.N.

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The Disgrace of the United Nations on Israel
The Secretary-General abandons Israel, a state the U.N. helped to create.
By The Editorial Board

In the ever-expanding hall of shame for propagators of global disorder, prepare a special pedestal for United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres. His disgraceful remarks Tuesday to the Security Council are an example of why the U.N. can’t be counted on to keep the peace anywhere.

Mr. Guterres’s comments amount to nothing less than an apologia for Hamas terrorists, despite a few thin caveats. “It is important to also recognize the attacks by Hamas did not happen in a vacuum,” he said of the Iran-backed terror group’s Oct. 7 invasion of southern Israel, which claimed more than 1,400 lives.

Lest anyone miss his point: “The Palestinian people have been subjected to 56 years of suffocating occupation. They have seen their land steadily devoured by settlements and plagued by violence; their economy stifled; their people displaced and their homes demolished.”

Although he allowed that these “grievances” don’t justify the “appalling attacks by Hamas,” he warned that “those appalling attacks cannot justify the collective punishment of the Palestinian people.” We quote Mr. Guterres at length in case readers assume someone in his position couldn’t really have delivered a speech of this sort. He did.

Mr. Guterres seems to know little about the institution he leads. A U.N. resolution passed in 1947 recommended the partition plan for Palestine that led to the creation of Israel the following year, as our friends at the New York Sun note in a sharp editorial.

Meanwhile, for decades the U.N., under the auspices of the U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) refugee agency exclusively for Palestinians, has discouraged permanent resettlement by refugees and runs schools that teach children Israeli territory belongs to them.

Far worse is Mr. Guterres’s parroting of what amounts to a modern-day blood libel that Israel is indiscriminately killing Palestinian civilians. The Israel Defense Forces more than a week ago tried to warn Gazans to flee the likely path of an invasion; Hamas discouraged civilians from doing so and the U.N. criticized . . . Israel.

Civilians are dying because Hamas deliberately targeted Israelis and now uses Gazans as human shields, as Mr. Guterres had to acknowledge Tuesday. By calling for Israel to accept a cease-fire, Mr. Guterres is effectively rewarding the terrorists’ civilian-killing strategy while denying a U.N.-approved state the same ability to defend itself that every other country enjoys.

This false equivalence elevates Mr. Guterres’s comments to the destructive from merely foolish. His message to the world’s rogues is that if you go on a killing spree, the U.N. will help justify your depredations. Will Mr. Guterres concoct some excuse if Beijing invades Taiwan—or Philippine territory? This is how the U.N. makes itself a fellow traveler in the advancing march of global disorder
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Don’t Give Gaza to the Palestinian Authority
Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party is no better than Hamas. It has celebrated the Oct. 7 attacks.
By Eugene Kontorovich and Itamar Marcus

The Biden administration wants Israel to bring in Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party to rule Gaza when the war is over. Fatah controls the Palestinian Authority, which governs much of the West Bank. Uniting Gaza and the West Bank under a common government is a necessary step in the Biden administration’s seemingly unshakable goal of creating a Palestinian state sandwiching Israel.

The idea behind the strategy has a long history. Fatah is a secular, Arab nationalist party that occasionally claims to want peace with Israel, albeit on terms that would make Israel’s existence as a Jewish state untenable. Yet for many diplomats this makes it an attractive alternative to the terrorists who perpetrated the Oct. 7 attacks. But Fatah is a junior-varsity version of Hamas. Both have lethal policies when it comes to Israel. The Palestinian Authority sponsors the “pay to slay” salary program that provides financial rewards to terrorists, who get more lavish payouts for crimes that result in longer imprisonment. As recently as Oct. 2, an official Palestinian Authority TV broadcast showed Mr. Abbas saying: “Our martyrs, prisoners and wounded are the most sanctified that we have. . . . Our martyrs have a right to this money.”

Fatah has celebrated and glorified the Oct. 7 orgy of torture and murder. The party has boasted that its members directly participated in the invasion, crossing into Israel and brutalizing civilians. A video shown on a West Bank-based Telegram channel that has been repeatedly cited by official Fatah sources shows terrorists with the yellow headbands of Fatah’s Al Aqsa Martyr’s Brigade firing Kalashnikovs while assaulting an Israeli kibbutz. One terrorist proclaims, “Today we broke in the military post Nahal Oz [a civilian kibbutz] and we hit what we hit.” The terrorists brag that they “stepped on their heads,” and shows footage of them stomping a dead Israeli.

Other videos on Fatah channels boast of their participation, proclaiming that Fatah is “fighting with the rest of the resistance groups in ‘the Al Aqsa Flood’ battle,” using Hamas’s operational name for the massacre. On Oct. 7, death notices appeared on Telegram announcing the funerals (or “weddings,” as they put it) of Fatah members who died that morning in the attack on Israel.

One such post shows a coffin draped with the yellow Fatah flag adorned with the Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades logo, which includes crossed rifles and a grenade above Jerusalem’s Dome of the Rock. The photo’s caption says the deceased had “ascended” to heaven as a martyr “during his armed confrontation together with his brothers against the Zionist occupation soldiers in our occupied lands.”

These death notices also reveal the involvement of other Palestinian factions such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Fatah and the other factions didn’t plan or lead the operation, since they lack the resources in Gaza to do so. But, based on their own claims, they piggybacked on the atrocity. Reports began circling on Nov. 19 that the Al Aqsa Brigade had taken and held hostages from Israel but transferred them to Hamas.

The Palestinian Authority in Ramallah hasn’t responded the way a government might when armed gangs under its ruling party’s banner cross a border, kill civilians and boast about doing so. Fatah officials haven’t disavowed the terrorists. Instead they’ve celebrated their dirty work. The official Palestinian Authority news agency described the attack as a “heroic battle” and called on Palestinians to escalate “confrontation in all arenas.” A senior Fatah official proclaimed on Palestinian television on Oct. 10 that “our brothers in the Gaza Strip . . . are a source of pride, heroism, and honor.” Mr. Abbas responded immediately on Oct. 7 by declaring Palestinian “right to self-defense.”

Mr. Abbas hasn’t even denounced the holding of innocent hostages by members of his faction. His adviser Mahmoud Al-Habbash made this clear: “Has anyone heard from President Mahmoud Abbas . . . one word against the Hamas Movement?” Many see senior Palestinian Authority official Hussein Al-Sheikh as a possible successor to Mr. Abbas. Mr. Al-Sheikh went further, announcing that now is the time for Palestinian unity with the terrorists.

The evidence of actual participation by Fatah members, combined with the endorsement by official Fatah organs, should disqualify Fatah and any government of which it is a part from any leadership role in Gaza. The difference between Fatah and Hamas is one of degree, not kind. They are both evil.

One of Hamas’s top leaders, Khalil al-Hayya, has said the broader goal of the attack was “putting the Palestinian issue back on the table.” When his terrorists invaded on Oct. 7, the plan was to race across the narrow waist of Israel and hook up with their comrades in the West Bank. Hamas wanted to cut the Jewish state in two. The Biden administration’s vision is a diplomatic version of this, connecting Gaza administratively to the West Bank.

Israel will win this war. Hamas will be defeated. The international community can’t expect a victorious Israel to implement any version of its adversaries’ aims. Handing Gaza to the Palestinian Authority would do just that.

Mr. Kontorovich is a professor at George Mason University Scalia Law School and a scholar at the Jerusalem-based Kohelet Policy Forum. Mr. Marcus is director of Palestinian Media Watch.
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More corruption?
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The Biden Energy Slush Fund
A $400 billion pile of cash dwarfing most private green investment vehicles.
By Kimberley A. Strassel

Washington’s return from Thanksgiving break will feature another go-round on whether to provide vital aid to Israel and Ukraine, and how to pay for it. Here’s a thought: Ask Jigar Shah for a couple hundred billion. He’s got that and more—and is otherwise using it for political “investment.”

Mr. Shah isn’t a household name—unless your household includes lobbyists, financiers or crony capitalists. Those are the clients of Mr. Shah’s fief, the revived Energy Department Loan Programs Office. Last humiliated a decade ago, it’s part of that crack DOE bureaucracy that bet on such green tech ventures as Abound (the failed solar company), Fisker Automotive (the failed electric-car maker) and A123 (the failed battery maker). “This announcement today” is about “investing in the infrastructure and technology of the future,” crowed Vice President Biden in 2009, unveiling a $535 million DOE loan for a solar outfit he promised would power 500,000 homes and create 1,000 jobs. That outfit was Solyndra.

As if to prove that anything Mr. Biden could botch 10 years ago he can botch bigger and better now, the loan office is back, baby. Americans gasped at the audacity of Barack Obama’s $814 billion stimulus bill in 2009—and of gambling some $80 billion on clean energy—but that’s peanuts. The Biden spending rampage has bestowed on Mr. Shah, director of the loan department, a stunning $400 billion to hand out to green companies too risky for traditional lenders, or too politically powerful to turn down. According to a July Journal story, the “pile of cash is at least 20 times as big as most private green-energy funds.”

With that kind of funny money, Mr. Shah and DOE aren’t restricting themselves to small-time bets. The agency agreed to a $1 billion loan for Monolith, a company that promises to make hydrogen out of natural gas. Sunnova, a solar company, landed a $3 billion loan guarantee. Then there are all the real paupers. General Motors and LG scooped up $2.5 billion to build electric-vehicle battery plants. Ford landed a record $9.2 billion battery commitment. The Ford loan would be $3.3 billion larger than what the company borrowed during the Detroit meltdown of 2008-09.

The Obama-era loan office was tarred by accusations of cronyism; dollars had a way of going to the politically connected. Now Sen. John Barrasso (R., Wyo.), ranking member of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, and Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R., Wash.), who chairs the House Energy and Commerce Committee, have sent a letter to Mr. Shah demanding answers about an October report in the Washington Free Beacon. It claimed a private trade association Mr. Shah founded as a “networking hub” in 2017 has “become a gatekeeper for companies seeking billions of dollars in financing from Shah’s office.”

The report explains that the Cleantech Leaders Roundtable didn’t even “have a website until three years ago,” though in the year after Mr. Shah left its revenue “more than tripled.” It says Cleantech “hosts sold-out receptions featuring Shah for its paying members.” In September Cleantech and the loans office “co-hosted an invitation-only conference” in D.C. “for companies looking for loans—and Cleantech Leaders was in charge of the invite list and ticket sales.”

Since 2021, when Mr. Shah was named loan-office head, “companies connected to the trade association have raked in cash from Shah’s office.” The report quoted an “energy industry insider” who griped that the event was “a slap in the face to all the companies following the rules.” (The Energy Department told the Free Beacon that the conference was a “nonfinancial partnership and not a government-led event.”)

One recipient of DOE largess, Sunnova, shares a board member with Cleantech—an executive also married to a former Democratic National Committee chair. Several of the conference’s financial sponsors were also seeking or had received DOE loans. Questioned about conflicts by Sen. Barrasso in an October hearing, Mr. Shah said “federal staff” make decisions and he has “no role to play.”

Then again, the Journal story related details of Mr. Shah pitching loans and recruiting a firm (battery recycler Li-Cycle), while making clear “White House officials” weigh in on potential loans. In a statement after the committee hearing, Cleantech said it “is proud of the role it has played in bringing together thought leaders, entrepreneurs, and investors” and that as a “nonpartisan nonprofit” its “networking events” are “open to non-members.”

Ford announced recently it is putting on hold production at one of three massive EV plants to be financed by its DOE loan. In October, Li-Cycle (with a $375 million loan commitment) suspended construction of its flagship Rochester, N.Y., facility citing costs, a development that Democratic Rep. Joe Morelle called “frankly shocking.”

Defenders will no doubt justify future failures as a cost of business as they creatively suggest that DOE’s “investments” over the years have cumulatively produced a “return.” These analyses fail to account for the far greater wreckage—economically and in foregone innovation—that results from government distortion of markets.

It also ignores that money isn’t limitless and $400 billion is a shocking misappropriation of funds while Congress is struggling for basic national security dollars. Clawing back this Energy Department slush fund is a no-brainer.
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When Israel’s Great Nemesis Accepted Peace
Egypt’s President Gamal Abdel Nasser sought to destroy the Jewish state in the 1960s, before endorsing a negotiated settlement. Could a defeated Hamas make the same turn?

Nasser is cheered in Cairo after his 1956 decision to nationalize the Suez Canal, leading Israel, Britain and France to try to topple him by force later that year.
By Alex Rowell

With Israeli and Palestinian forces likely to resume hostilities after a four-day pause, the prospects for a more lasting peace in the Middle East remain dim. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has vowed to utterly defeat Hamas, the Palestinian militant group that governs the coastal enclave and stunned the world with its killing spree on Oct. 7. For their part, Hamas officials have said they will conduct similar attacks again, as many times as is necessary to achieve the complete destruction of Israel.

It is tempting to conclude that, after this, Israelis and Palestinians simply will never be able to agree on a political settlement capable of bringing an end to more than a century of conflict. Yet history is replete with examples of apparently implacable enemies tiring, eventually, of war and coming to the table—including in the Arab-Israeli context.

The late PLO leader Yasser Arafat, once seen by Israel as the arch-terrorist, signed the Oslo Accords with Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1993, receiving a Nobel Peace Prize in consequence. Egypt’s President Anwar Sadat and Jordan’s King Hussein both led their countries to war against Israel before signing full peace treaties that have held to this day.

Like Hamas’s leaders today, and Arafat before them, Nasser was once regarded as the ultimate menace to Israel. The Jewish state’s first premier, David Ben-Gurion, loathed him and compared him to Hitler (much as Netanyahu now calls Hamas “the new Nazis”). In 1956, Ben-Gurion invaded Egypt in tandem with Britain and France—colonial powers aghast at Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal Company—in an unsuccessful bid to topple Nasser by force.

Nasser’s survival of that onslaught made him a hero to millions of Arabs, not least to Palestinians, many of whom saw him as the man of destiny who would recover their lost homeland. It was Nasser who, in 1964, summoned the Arab heads of state to Egypt to approve the establishment of the PLO, whose declared aim was the liberation of all of historic Palestine from the Israeli state. Nasser provided the PLO with funding, training and equipment and hosted its main radio station, “The Voice of Palestine.”

Three years later, Nasser put Egypt on a war footing, expelling U.N. peacekeepers from his border with Israel and closing the Straits of Tiran to Israeli vessels, blockading Israel’s port of Eilat. “The Jews threaten war,” he said in a speech on May 22, 1967. “We tell them, ‘You’re most welcome. We’re ready for war.’” Four days later, he pledged that, in the event Israel were to attack Egypt, “The battle will be a comprehensive one and our main objective will be to destroy Israel.”

It was a calamitous misjudgment. Ten days later, Israeli bombers obliterated the Egyptian air force in a matter of hours. Over the course of six days, Israel routed not just the Egyptian but also the Syrian and Jordanian armies. In the process, it seized vast swaths of new territory, including the Gaza Strip (occupied until then by Egypt), the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Syrian Golan Heights and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.

The humiliating defeat prompted a sea change in Nasser’s position. In the war’s aftermath, Egypt approved U.N. Security Council Resolution 242, which acknowledged Israel’s “sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence,” as well as its “right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force.” The resolution also called on Israel to withdraw “from territories occupied in the recent conflict” and facilitate “a just settlement” of the Palestinian refugee issue. Establishing what became known as the “land-for-peace” formula, whereby Israel would return the land occupied in 1967 in exchange for peace with the Arab states, the resolution has been the basis of negotiations for a political settlement of the conflict ever since.

The PLO rejected Resolution 242, being unwilling at the time to recognize Israeli sovereignty of any kind. This marked a rift between Nasser and the Palestinians, which widened in 1970, when Nasser reiterated his support for a two-state solution, publicly endorsing a proposal by President Nixon’s secretary of state, William P. Rogers, to cease hostilities with Israel and resume peace talks in line with Resolution 242. “We have declared before the whole world that we seek peace,” proclaimed Nasser on July 24, 1970.

This time, Nasser was openly denounced by several PLO factions, who staged turbulent street protests outside Egyptian embassies in Lebanon and Jordan, in which Nasser was branded a traitor, “coward” and “agent of imperialism.” The furious Nasser responded by closing two PLO radio stations in Cairo that had broadcast stinging criticisms of his policy. He also suspended the funding and equipping of militants in Gaza.

The breach polarized the Arab world, with rejectionist states such as Iraq and Algeria backing the Palestinian position, while the likes of Jordan, Lebanon and Sudan sided with Nasser. The man who had lived for so many years as the iconic symbol of Arab revolution would end his days condemned by his own disciples as a sellout. Two months later, the 52-year-old Nasser died of a heart attack.

Looking back on this episode today, it is striking to reflect how far opinions have moved away from centrist positions to what were once fringe views. While even Nasser could once endorse a two-state solution—and a peace initiative proposed by a Republican administration in Washington—it is de rigueur today in many pro-Palestine circles and among the hard-liners who populate Netanyahu’s cabinet to reject the two-state formula as unworkable, undesirable or both.

To be sure, several factors complicate any comparison between Nasser’s time and our own. One is the construction of hundreds of Israeli settlements, housing some 700,000 people, in the Palestinian West Bank since Israel’s occupation began in 1967, which has done much to undermine the feasibility of a Palestinian state. Another is Hamas’s uncompromising Islamist ideology, which differs in important respects from Nasser’s self-styled “Arab socialism.” (Indeed, Nasser vigorously repressed Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, of which Hamas is a Palestinian offshoot.) Where Nasser, Arafat, Sadat and Hussein were all ideologically agile, moving with the winds and changing with the times, the same can hardly be said of Hamas, especially after Oct. 7.

Is it conceivable, nonetheless, that some yet-unseen future iteration of Hamas—assuming it survives the current war—might, in the fullness of time, seek a settlement? It is nearly impossible to imagine today, but it was also once nearly impossible to imagine of Nasser and Arafat. In the end, as Rabin said, one makes peace with one’s enemies, not with one’s friends.

And that, above all, must be the outcome sought most urgently by responsible actors and stakeholders in Israel-Palestine today—with or without Hamas. If there is one lesson that can be drawn with very high confidence from history, it is that military action alone can bring neither security to Israelis nor liberation to Palestinians. Both Hamas and Israel’s own extremists live and breathe to sabotage all meaningful efforts toward a just and sustainable political resolution of this conflict. It is precisely for that reason that the rest of us must redouble our resolve to achieve it.

Alex Rowell’s new book is “We Are Your Soldiers: How Gamal Abdel Nasser Remade the Arab World,” published by W.W. Norton.
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Tuesday, November 28, 2023

Great Speech By Schumer. Tipping Point Or Just Beginning? Hostages Or The Nation? Lithium/Muslims. More.


Sen. Schumer gave an excellent speech against American anti-Semitism. I  have to hand it to him. He minced no words. He has never been one of my favorites but I compliment him for his strong speech.
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American Jews Are Politically Homeless Again - WSJ

Then, too, the socialist strain among Jews has always been strong. Irving Kristol, in his 1999 essay, “On the Political Stupidity of the Jews,” noted that “the majority of former socialists—in almost every country—remain opponents of capitalism. Socialism today is a political goal that dares not say its name, because socialism as a system has been discredited.”

Most Jews may have given up on socialism—with Jewish socialist thinkers from Leon Trotsky to Harold Laski having been disqualified—but many have been unable to turn away from the sentiments behind it: a sympathy for those it takes to be the underdog, a rough notion of justice that puts them on the side of all minorities, a disregard for political tradition. According to Kristol, himself Jewish, Jews tended to favor theory over practice, so they viewed even anti-Israel institutions like the United Nations favorably.

At the entrance to the nearby synagogue where my own sons long ago had their bar mitzvahs, there is a large sign in support of Black Lives Matter, an anti-Israel movement tinged with antisemitism. I have twice called to suggest the sign be taken down, to no avail.

Meanwhile the Jewish antipathy for the Republican Party goes back to the days of Jewish academic quotas, restricted neighborhoods and corporate discrimination. Those Ivy League and other universities that for decades strictly rationed the number of Jews they allowed in, those neighborhoods with unspoken agreements not to sell or rent real estate to Jews, those large corporations that for decades refused to hire Jews, all were thought to be run, inhabited, owned by Republicans.

During World War II the Republican America-first policy didn’t help. People such as Chicago Tribune publisher Robert “Colonel” McCormick argued that America had no business in the war, while Hitler was killing millions of Jews. Not that the Democrats were so solid on this front either, for we now know that Franklin D. Roosevelt, in his day a heroic figure to many Jews, failed to lift the quotas on Jews being admitted to this country and thus prevented more Jews from escaping the Holocaust. He also decided not to bomb the rail lines leading to Nazi death camps.

With memories of all this, it has been difficult—make that all but impossible—for many Jews to vote for Republicans. And it remains so now, even with Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar claiming that American support for Israel was “all about the Benjamins, baby.” She is supported in her antisemitism by Rep. Rashida Tlaib, who has long accused the Israelis of apartheid and more recently has opposed American aid to Israel, whose policies, in her view, were the cause of the massacre of Oct. 7. Another Democrat, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, has been accusing not Hamas but Israel of war crimes. Sen. Chuck Schumer, while speaking in opposition to such views, has failed to denounce those people in Congress of his own party who espouse them. And then there is Sen. Bernie Sanders, a Jew who is no friend to Israel. No, it’s distinctly not our fathers’ Democratic Party.

The Democrats can no doubt count on the Jews voting as a bloc for them yet again. But then, where else, politically, are American Jews to go? As long as Donald Trump is the all but titular head of the Republican Party, voting Republican is not a very appealing option. The critic Dwight Macdonald long ago referred to our two political parties as “Tweedledum and Tweedledumber.” Which, Democrat or Republican, is the dumber? On this complicated question, I’ll let you decide.

Mr. Epstein is author, most recently, of “The Novel, Who Needs It?”
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 More White House intrusions.

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White House: IDF op in southern Gaza must be ‘different’ than in north

The U.S. has “reinforced in very clear language” that the next round of IDF operations must not “produce significant further displacement of persons,” says senior Biden administration official.

By MIKE WAGENHEIM

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Do these events connote a tipping point?
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The Populist Wave in Argentina and the Netherlands Is a Necessary Course Correction

By Jonathan Tobin Editor in chief, JNS.org

One of the laziest tropes of political analysis is the impulse to link political results from different nations in order to produce a narrative about international affairs. The point of such efforts usually has little to do with events on the ground in these disparate places and everything to do with the politics of the United States.

That's why pundits label the victors of recent elections in Argentina and The Netherlands as the "Donald Trumps" of their respective nations and treat their victories as calamities. It has a lot more to do with the political establishment's alarm about the possibility of the original Trump winning a second term in the White House in 2024 than it does about what has happened in Western Europe or South America.

The main issues that drove the victories of Javier Milei in Argentina and Geert Wilders in The Netherlands have little to do with each other. It was the hyper-inflation destroying the Argentine economy that lifted the eccentric libertarian economist and political novice Milei to victory. Meanwhile, the opening that gave Wilders his win was the sense that Dutch society and its liberal values are being subverted by out-of-control immigration from Muslim countries; Wilders has been campaigning on this issue for decades amidst constant death threats from Islamists.

And like other supposed "Trumps"—Brazil's Javier Bolsonaro or Hungary's Viktor Orban—Wilders' and Milei's ability to govern and to stay in office will hinge on local issues and their ability to represent more than a protest vote in a single election cycle.

Still, the loose talk about the existence of a populist wave sweeping the globe is rooted in more than liberal pearl-clutching about Trump leading President Joe Biden in the polls. As much as the voters in these two countries were primarily motivated by unrelated issues, the successes of both Milei and Wilders do have something in common. They reflect a willingness on the part of voters to listen to those who are treated as dangerous outliers by the political establishments in those countries and to elect them to high office.

But far from that signifying a new era of fascism driven by uncouth rabble-rousing hatemongers, as the punditry class would have it, these victories actually demonstrate the awakening of voters in very different places to the idea that they need to re-evaluate the conventional wisdom that ruling elites have been peddling. Whether you call it populism or anti-globalism or, in the case of Trump, "America First," the success of these candidates and parties is part of a necessary course correction that is happening across the board as ordinary citizens in democracies begin to pick up on the fact that the governing classes are disinterested in what concerns them.

The Dutch election, in which Wilders and his Party for Freedom won an unexpected plurality, was decided by the growing concerns across Western Europe about the impact of unlimited immigration. Wilders is routinely categorized as being on the far Right, but while he is extreme in his rhetoric about Islam and Muslims, he's actually a liberal. He speaks for those who rightly understand that a society that restricts freedom in order to cater to the demands of Islamists is one that is doomed.

Others who led on this issue were either assassinated, like Pym Fortuyn and Theo Van Gogh, or driven from the country, like Ayaan Hirsi Ali. But while Wilders is damned as an Islamophobe, decades of efforts by the Dutch political establishment to ignore the way their country is changing for the worse as a result of the refusal of immigrants to assimilate have only bolstered his standing.

While the political and cultural elites may see open borders in Europe and the United States as part of their vision for a better world, the Dutch electorate has had no choice but to turn to populists like Wilders in order to try and put the brakes on the disintegration of their national identities.

Immigration isn't the problem in Argentina. Their worry is a corrupt governing class that has presided over a failing economy for decades because of the country's addiction to socialist ideas. The legacy of Peronism, a unique combination of a neo-fascist authoritarianism and collectivist economics with a populist base, still hangs over Argentina. Milei's platform opposing globalism, socialism, and the "siren song of social justice" and replacing it with one based on economic freedom provides an alternative that the elites fear and long-suffering Argentine voters welcome.

Both Wilders and Milei face formidable challenges implementing their ideas and, like Trump, could well be derailed by their own inexperience in office and a concerted campaign by the establishments in their countries to ensure that their victories are transitory.

One thing they have in common is that both are sympathetic to Israel: Wilders spent time working on a moshav as a young man and Milei has contemplated conversion to Judaism. And both are pro-Israel at time when many of the globalists who oppose them are taking sides against the Jewish state in the wake of the Oct. 7 terrorist atrocities committed by the Islamists of Hamas. Far from irrelevant to the discussion about populism, the fact that they are both willing to push back at the leftist elites' lack of interest in opposing the antisemitism that is integral to the attacks on Israel, is an indication that the talk about their victories representing a new wave of fascism has it backwards.

Yet the common theme in these elections is the way both illustrate the pushback against leftist orthodoxies and an acknowledgement of the intellectual and moral bankruptcy of the governing elites, no matter what political labels they put on themselves.

Far from these populist uprisings representing a threat to democracy, the growing support that people like Trump, Milei, and Wilders are getting shows that voters understand that a shock to the system and questioning the elite's orthodoxies is exactly what is needed to save it.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor-in-chief of JNS.org and a senior contributor to The Federalist. Follow him: @jonathans_tobin

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Easier said than done. However,  I totally agree and addressed this circumstance in a previous memo.  More than hostages are involved. An entire nation is at stake.

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Dick: I thought it critically important for voices to be heard clearly calling for Israel to maintain its momentum in Gaza. I fear there are a multitude of forces that would be thrilled, or at least content, to see that campaign stop. Such a result would be a serious blow for Israel. We simply cannot afford to stop until we defeat Hamas.


Sincerely, Doug

The Israeli people demand victory

Our leaders must not allow the natural desire to return hostages to derail the urgent need to destroy Hamas.

By DOUGLAS ALTABEF

Israel is currently focused on the sequential release of groups of our hostages held by Hamas. According to reports, some 52 hostages will be released over a four-day period as part of a temporary truce deal between Israel and the terror group. Three-quarters of them have already been released.

The question is: What follows? This is where things get not only murky, but potentially frightening.

Hamas is clearly hoping that we will become addicted to a daily schedule of releases, which will require a prolonged ceasefire. This scenario makes Hamas the puppet-master. It will be in full control of events and their timing. Moreover, as ceasefires are extended, Israeli leverage, born of battlefield success, will diminish. And it will embolden those who want Israel to stand down and end its military operations.

American and European leaders will proclaim: You’ll get all your people back, you inflicted heavy damage on Hamas, you killed a lot of Gazans—that sounds like enough. There is also the enormous economic cost of keeping hundreds of thousands of IDF reservists in the field.

Taken together, this could mean that the drumbeat for winding things down will become increasingly, even irresistibly loud.

This is a formula for disaster.

Israel is not fighting a war to recover hostages. We are fighting for the ground we stand on. Hamas’s barbaric Oct. 7 massacre taught us that we can no longer tolerate its existence on our border. Not if we want to have a southern Israel.

Thus, the danger inherent in the scenario outlined above—the loss of the determination to destroy Hamas—is absolute.

Israel’s troops in the field have certainly not lost their determination. A mountain of anecdotal evidence indicates that IDF soldiers are chomping at the bit to resume fighting and are completely opposed to winding down the war.

It is therefore easy to believe that the war will continue. We are just taking a pause because we had no other choice.

I hear this a lot, but forgive my skepticism. This skepticism is not directed at the Israeli people, even those fully immersed in the effort to bring all the hostages home. It is directed at our leadership.

That leadership first insisted that all the hostages be released, then caved in and agreed to the current truce. Given this, it is hard to have confidence that the chest-thumping of today will not soon yield to a far less aggressive posture.

What can we ordinary Israelis, who are hellbent on Hamas’s destruction, do about this?

First, we need to constantly remind our leaders that we, their constituents, demand resolution and determination from them. We will be very unforgiving of any deviation from the goal of defeating Hamas.

One example of this kind of reminder is the giant banner that my organization, Im Tirtzu, has just unfurled adjacent to the Beach Highway (Route 2) near the Gilot Junction between Tel Aviv and Herzliya. The banner says: “The People Demand Victory.” It then goes on to remind our leaders of the objectives that Israelis overwhelmingly support:

1.    Eliminate Hamas.

2.    Permanently secure the Gaza corridor.

3.    Secure the release of hostages.

4.    Strike back in the north to neutralize the Hezbollah threat.

It is the job of Israel’s leaders, not their constituents, to plan for and execute these objectives. But once again, I fear that the citizenry is thinking more clearly and is more committed to achieving urgent national objectives than is our leadership.

Therefore, we the people should be unequivocal. We must tell our leaders that they must not let the natural desire to rescue hostages derail the urgent mission of defeating Hamas.

It ought to be crystal clear by now that negotiating for hostage releases without solving the underlying reason that there were hostages in the first place is simply an invitation to further abductions and further destruction.

It is us, the people, who must ensure that our leaders understand: They cannot let us down. They cannot assume that Israel will ever be safe again unless this threat is removed.

We take their claim that Hamas leaders are dead men walking very seriously. Make it happen.

No amount of humanitarian concern, no amount of international pressure, can change the Israeli people’s determination. Great leaders emerge in such times. They rise to the challenge and bring us along with them in their laser-like determination to achieve victory.

Netanyahu, Gallant and Gantz, the nation is looking to you to be steadfast, resolute and determined. This is your moment. Seize it. Bring us the victory that we, your citizens, demand. We will accept nothing less.

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The Casualty Figures in Gaza Are a Scam

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Lithium batteries are as volatile as Muslims but probably not as dangerous.

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And:

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Terrorists playing the Western Wimps like a drum. 

Hamas Holds Everyone Hostage

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The terrorists traffic in human beings to achieve their bloody aims.

image

Now Hamas is using the hostages to play on Western respect for human life. Hamas knows its strategy is dividing Israeli opinion between those who prioritize the release of the hostages and those who want Hamas defeated so it can never again slaughter 1,200 people.

Hamas is also manipulating the world, including the Biden Administration. President Biden said Sunday he hopes the initial four-day military truce can be extended so more hostages will be released. That includes the unknown number of Americans held in who-knows-what condition underground. Hamas released the first U.S. hostage on Sunday, a 4-year-old American-Israeli girl, Abigail Edan, whose parents were murdered in front of her.

But every day the truce lasts the more time the jihadists have to regroup, slip out of Gaza, rearm, or plan more ambushes against Israelis. And the longer it lasts the more odds increase of an extended cease-fire, which is what Hamas really wants. The onus will fall on Israel to end the truce, though Hamas is unlikely ever to release all hostages, who are its only source of leverage.

This is a terrible choice that Hamas doesn’t have to make because it considers civilians, including Palestinians, to be expendable weapons of war. That’s why it hides in hospitals, schools and mosques—and kidnaps women and children to serve its murderous ends.

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Biden's disappearing border. How illegals get here! Watch this 10 minute video

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https://www.youtube-nocookie.com/embed/HUklrX2dVk4

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Will he cave?  Will he go wobbly? I fear he will.  

Michael Goodwin is the NYT's version of a conservative along with Bret Stephens.

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Biden must be reminded Hamas is a terrorist group as he panders to Muslims in secret, publicly backs Israel

By Michael Goodwin

No American should need to be reminded that our government has designated Hamas a terrorist organization. But apparently one very important American does need to be reminded.

That would be Joe Biden.

The news that the president apologized for casting doubt on Hamas’ casualty reports in Gaza is stunning. All the more so because Biden made his apology in secret.

He backed down in a meeting with five Muslim Americans, a fact that suggests Hamas has garnered sympathy if not outright support among some Americans and immigrants from Muslim lands.

That’s troubling in its own right, but Biden’s apology signals he’s willing to pander to them privately while publicly supporting Israel.

Truth emerges slowly

The incident began on Oct. 25 when the president, in a rare news conference, addressed the issue of civilian casualties from Israel’s attacks. This was about a week after Hamas and its servile Gaza Health Ministry insisted Israel had bombed a hospital and killed 500 Palestinians

It was a big story, thanks to sensationalizing play by The New York Times and other media outlets primed to condemn Israel.

The truth, as usual, emerged slowly and showed the hospital was not bombed and that an explosion in an adjacent parking lot was almost certainly caused by a Hamas rocket aimed at Israel that blew up prematurely and crashed.

The dramatic 500-dead angle should have set off alarms that Hamas was using its old playbook of inflating civilian death claims to drum up sympathy for itself and provoke international outrage at Israel, leading, the terrorists hoped, to a quick cease-fire that would protect them. To this day, it remains uncertain if there were any fatalities at the hospital that night.

It was against that backdrop that Biden scoffed at Hamas casualty figures, declaring “I have no notion that the Palestinians are telling the truth about how many people are killed.”

He was right, and at the time I thought that was a bold thing for the president to do and showed he understood the war was not a battle between moral equals.

Hamas had savagely broken the cease-fire on Oct. 7 with its slaughter of 1,200 Israelis and carried away nearly 250 hostages, and Biden’s comment was part of his then-ardent defense of the Jewish nation’s right to respond.

Yet it turns out that 24 hours later, Biden flip-flopped in a meeting with the Muslim American activists who got an hour to say they were furious at him for casting doubt on the numbers.

He told them, “I’m sorry. I’m disappointed in myself. I will do better,” according to The Washington Post, which first reported on the meeting.

The paper said one visitor told the president, “Palestinians are dying. We’re not OK with the numbers of their dead being disputed.”

Benefiting terrorists

But accepting the numbers benefits Hamas, which has a long track record of lying. That’s what Biden should have said instead of apologizing.

Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison, a Democrat who was the first Muslim elected to Congress, was one of those invited to air grievances.

Subsequent reports say Biden met with other Muslims in recent weeks, though there is no word on whether he repeated his apology or made other statements at odds with what he says publicly.

What is certain is the president fears his support of Israel could cost him votes, especially in states that have large numbers of Arab-American and Muslim voters.

Nationally, there are an estimated 1.1 million registered voters who identify as Muslim, and two-thirds are Democrats, according to advocates.

They argue that Muslims could be the deciding factor in battleground states where recent contests were decided by margins smaller than the number of Muslim voters.

The implication seems to be that Biden’s support of Israel could turn all Muslim voters against him.

The developments underscore my warning that the president’s early support for Israel was at risk of being undercut by his political desperation.

Polls show young voters mostly disapprove of Biden’s job performance. The fact that many young Americans, especially on elite college campuses, are participating in protests against Israel surely heightened the campaign’s fears.

Although antisemitism is an obvious and odious factor in the protest movement, Biden’s team can’t afford to lose many voters under the age of 30, one of the party’s core constituencies

It’s likely the White House’s current push for a longer and perhaps permanent Gaza cease-fire grows out of election fears.

Of course, minimizing civilian casualties and getting the Israeli hostages back are important, but stopping the war before Hamas is eliminated would leave the terrorists in power.

Boost for Iran

That would maintain Iran’s outpost, and along with Hezbollah in the north, leave Israel facing danger on two borders. None of that is in America’s interest.

And having Hamas retain control of Gaza would stunt postwar plans for rebuilding the strip and creating an international governing authority, which are part of Biden’s fantasy plan of a two-state solution.

His political worries are especially focused on the upper Midwest, where so many Muslim Americans live and vote.

Minnesota first elected Ellison in 2006 and he was a rising star in the party despite his support for the Nation of Islam and Louis Farrakhan, a notorious antisemite.

When Ellison left Congress after winning the state AG race, his seat was won by Ilhan Omar, a refugee from Somalia who makes little effort to hide her hatred of America and Israel.

Michigan, of course, is home to Rep. Rashida Tlaib, a Palestinian-American who has stuck with the lie that Israel bombed the hospital. She also falsely insists the chant of “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” isn’t a plan to eliminate Israel and Jews.

She recently tweeted that “Joe Biden supported the genocide of the Palestinian people,” and her incendiary lies finally earned her a House censure, with 22 Dems voting with Republicans.

The fact that so many other Dems were afraid to denounce an antisemite in their midst is a cousin of the pandering that led Biden to apologize for insulting Hamas. Up and down the party, too many elected officials are calibrating their statements about the war to avoid alienating anti-Israel voters.

They’re cowards who are practicing a form of appeasement that will only encourage the beast. And it’s not just Israel that’s endangered.

As its prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, recently warned Americans on Fox News, “If we don’t win now, then Europe is next and you’re next.”

Far-left U. history

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Hunter Biden Art Buyer Advocated for Her Grandniece's Release From Hamas Captivity

By Ben Weingarten, RealClearInvestigations

The American kidnap victim released by the terrorist group Hamas during its ongoing ceasefire with Israel is a great-niece of Elizabeth Hirsh Naftali, a major Democratic party donor who paid handsomely for Hunter Biden’s art and won an appointment to a plum cultural post from President Biden.

U.S. Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad

Elizabeth Hirsh Naftali: The Democrat donor bought pricey Hunter Biden art and got a plum cultural post. And after the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre, she advocated for the release of the only American freed by the terrorists in the current ceasefire: her 4-year-old grandniece, Abigail, above. 

U.S. Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad

Hirsh Naftali's Biden connections went all but unmentioned as she advocated in a series of nationally televised interviews for the release of her 4-year-old grandniece, Abigail Mor Idan, a dual U.S.-Israeli citizen whose parents were murdered by marauding jihadists in southern Israel on Oct. 7. She is the only American thus far among the 61 mostly women and children exchanged for Palestinian Arab prisoners in a fragile negotiated truce.

While noting that the Biden administration has worked with Qatari and Egyptian mediators to free all the hostages, a senior administration official told RealClearInvestigations that “U.S. officials insisted that Abigail be included on an early list as well as the other two Americans in this category [of women and children].”

“The President raised Abigail in nearly all of his phone calls with counterparts as well as with the Amir of Qatar on Saturday,” the official said, adding that “U.S. officials have also remained in close touch with Abigail’s family members including those the President spoke with on Sunday,” the day Abigail was returned from Gsza to Israel.

After Abigail’s release on Nov. 26, Hirsh Naftali co-signed a statement thanking “President Biden and his dedicated team,” among others, for “securing Abigail's release and reuniting other hostages with their loved ones.”

Rep. Dan Goldman, New York Democrat: Republican questions regarding Hirsh Naftali's buying of Hunter Biden art are "soulless."

Republican House members have been investigating possible connections between Hirsh Naftali’s art buying and her government appointment to the U.S. Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad since July. In a letter that month to Hirsh Naftali, Oversight Committee chairman James Comer of Kentucky said, "Your position on the Commission is particularly suspicious because of Hunter Biden’s previous actions to elevate his business partner—Eric Schwerin—to the same post while his father was Vice President."

This month, Democrat Rep. Dan Goldman of New York used Abigail’s abduction to demean the inquiry, describing Republican questions regarding Hirsh Naftali's art buying and her government appointment as “soulless.”

According to Hirsh Naftali’s account in media interviews, her grandniece endured sheer horror: She witnessed the murder of her mother and father, the latter shot dead with the girl in his arms as he tried to protect her. Hirsh Naftali suggests this account was relayed in part by the little girl’s two older siblings, 6-year-old Amalia and 9-year-old Michael, who hid in a closet next to their mother's body. Abigail fled to a neighbor’s house, where she was captured. 

Georges Berges Gallery

Portrait of the artist as a political hot potato at his exhibition in New York.  Georges Bergès Gallery

Even as they hail the administration’s efforts to gain Abigail’s release after her harrowing ordeal, some Biden critics say the episode is another example of how his family’s financial dealings cast a shadow over his official actions by suggesting conflicts of interest.

Tom Fitton of Judicial Watch told RealClearInvestigations: “Once you start making deals with terrorists, even potentially innocent coincidences become controversial. It is fair to ask whether this is another example of Biden's family corruption compromising our national security.”

Hirsh Naftali is a Los Angeles real estate investor and philanthropist who served on the 2020 Biden campaign’s national finance committee and donated over $200,000 to his candidacy. In July 2022, Biden announced her appointment to the commission. That nomination came eight months after Hunter Biden’s first art opening at New York’s Georges Bergès Gallery. Business Insider reported that Hirsh Naftali purchased at least one of Hunter Biden’s pieces, which were priced at up to $500,000 each, and which generated sales proceeds totaling nearly $1.4 million. Visitor logs show she visited the White House at least 13 times since December 2021, the month following the art show’s opening date.

It is unclear whether Hirsh Naftali’s art buying preceded her appointment to the commission. Hunter Biden’s counsel, Abbe Lowell, has said his client was unaware that Hirsh Naftali purchased the art until after the sale was executed. The identities of the buyers were supposed to be kept private in what the White House described as an effort to avoid ethical issues.

House Oversight Committee

From Rep. James Comer's letter of July 29.

House Oversight Committee

After Hirsh Naftali was identified as one of the buyers, the House Oversight Committee sent her a letter requesting documents pertaining to the transactions, her appointment to the commission, and her visits to the White House.

Unsatisfied with her response, Comer issued a subpoena to her on Nov. 9 demanding she appear for a transcribed interview.

Hirsh Naftali’s lawyer did not respond to RCI’s request for comment.

In the cover letter associated with the subpoena addressed to Hirsh Naftali’s counsel, Chairman Comer and House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan (R-OH) wrote: “The Committees require your client’s testimony to determine whether individuals … are obtaining access to President Biden or securing benefits from him by purchasing his son’s artwork.”

The spokesperson did not comment on whether the committee would explore any of the uncomfortable questions that might be raised about the Biden appointee’s ties to the administration and any nexus it might have to the hostage crisis and U.S. policy deliberations more broadly associated with the Israel-Hamas war.

Hirsh Naftali, a Los Angeles native, has substantial ties to the Jewish state. She moved to Israel during the 1990s and partnered in founding BIG Shopping Centers, a publicly traded company on the Tel Aviv stock exchange. She has maintained philanthropic interests there associated with Israeli and Jewish causes, in addition to serving on the board of the RAND Corporation Center for Middle East Public Policy.

The Biden administration has cited this background in justifying her appointment to the commission, which aims to protect and preserve landmarks including those in Eastern and Central Europe “associated with the heritage of U.S. citizens” whose families were targeted during the Holocaust.

As the current temporary ceasefire is extended, nine Americans remain unaccounted for, according to the Biden administration.

“As the president said, [we] will not rest until every American missing since the horrible attacks on October 7 is located and for those that remain alive returned home to their families,” the senior administration official wrote in an email response to RCI’s questions.

As for the freed 4-year-old, the official added: “We are thrilled that Abigail is now home and back in the loving arms of her extended family. She will receive the care and attention she needs through the Israelis and we are also ready to provide all appropriate support.”

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STOP PSYCHOANALYZING ISRAEL

by Rafael Medoff

(Dr. Medoff is founding director of The David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies and author of more than 20 books about Jewish history and the Holocaust. His latest is America and the Holocaust: A Documentary History, published by the Jewish Publication Society & University of Nebraska Press.)

Here come the armchair psychoanalysts

European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell declared during his recent visit to Israel, “I understand your rage. But let me ask you not to be consumed by rage.” President Biden expressed a similar sentiment upon his arrival in Israel last month. “While you feel that rage, don’t be consumed by it,” he advised.

The notion that if Israel hits hard at terrorists, it must be acting out of some kind of irrational emotion is inaccurate and insulting. But it’s not new.

For years, some critics of Israel have advocated the idea that Israelis have been collectively traumatized by the Holocaust, a kind of mental disorder that renders them incapable of making rational decisions.

An early promoter of this diagnosis was New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman. In his 1989 book, From Beirut to Jerusalem, Friedman wrote at length about what he called “the Holocausting of the Israeli psyche,” that is, what he considered to be an excessive interest in the Nazi genocide of six million Jews. “Israel today is becoming Yad Vashem with an air force,” Friedman asserted. He alleged that Israelis’ memories of the Holocaust were to blame for their impatient driving habits, unethical business dealings, timid acceptance of high taxes, and reluctance to make more concessions to the Arabs.

Others picked up on that theme in the years to follow. Clinical psychologist Alon Gratch, writing in USA Today in 2015, asserted that “the trauma of the Holocaust has penetrated every aspect of Israeli life,” filling Israelis with “anxiety and rage” over Jewish helplessness. This supposedly has created a “psychological burden” that shapes their attitude toward Iran and influences them to vote for nationalist political parties.

Ian Lustick, a professor emeritus at the University of Pennsylvania, wrote an entire book in 2019 about the problems supposedly caused by what he dubbed “Holocaustia,” the mental illness that he said results from Israelis paying too much attention to the mass murder of Jews by the Nazis.

Lustick’s extreme perspective included his claim that Israel put Adolf Eichmann on trial “so as to extend the period of usable gentile sympathy and guilt.” He also invoked Holocaust-related language in accusing Israel of “the continuous mass shooting of Palestinian civilians [in Gaza]…murder[ing] and maim[ing] so many men, women and children trying to escape from the ghetto within which they have been concentrated.” Presumably his use of loaded terms such as “concentrated” and “ghetto” was not accidental.

The Israeli author Yishai Sarid wrote a novel in 2017 about an Israeli tour guide whose visits to the sites of former death camps led him to the conclusion that “we need to be a little bit Nazi, too.” It received a very positive review in the New York Times. Perhaps it is fitting that Sarid’s book is a work of fiction, since that is the only genre in which one could seriously argue that the tour guide’s remark represents how Israelis actually think.

In the years before there was an Israel, there were those who dismissed Jewish concerns about Nazism as a kind of emotional rage from which Jews just needed to calm down.

In 1934, Everett Clinchy, a prominent liberal Presbyterian minister, berated American Jewish leaders for planning to hold a public program to counter a New York City rally by pro-Nazi German Americans. “The situation is now like a tense quarrel between husband and wife in a family,” Pickett counseled his Jewish colleagues, “and when such a quarrel is at its height, the intelligent thing to do is to stop yelling at each other and wait a bit until the emotion of the situation is moderated.”

In the aftermath of the Kristallnacht pogrom in 1938, Father Paul L. Blakely, associate editor of the magazine America: A Catholic Review of the Week, warned Jews to stop complaining so loudly. Blakely charged that American Jewish critics of Hitler were trying to stir up “a fit of national hysteria” that would drag the United States into “war against Germany.”

The false diagnoses of “Jewish rage” and “Holocaust trauma” assume that all Jews think alike and act alike. Therefore, since some Jews were persecuted in the past, their descendants today must be acting out some hidden psychological problem if they cry out or fight back.

The absurdity of that argument is obvious from Israel’s demographic makeup. The Holocaust happened eighty years ago, primarily to European Jews. Most Israelis today are not old enough to be Holocaust survivors. And most of them are not children or grandchildren of Holocaust survivors—because their parents and grandparents did not come from Europe. The majority of Israelis are immigrants, or the descendants of immigrants, from Arab, African and Near Eastern countries; their relatives were not gassed in Auschwitz.

Certainly Israelis are deeply interested in the history of the Holocaust. And they may justifiably view the Nazi genocide, and the world’s reaction to it, as a cautionary tale, in the same way that many contemporary Western policymakers regard the failed appeasement of Nazi Germany in the 1930s as a lesson in how to deal with dictators today. But that is a far cry from being traumatized or mentally unbalanced as a result of what happened to previous generations.

When Israelis look at Hamas, they don’t see Nazis. They see Palestinian Arab terrorists who, just weeks ago, perpetrated mass murder, torture, rape, and beheadings of Jews. Israel’s response to them is not rage against imaginary enemies. It’s self-defense against real enemies.

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Anti-Semitism in the schools spreads beyond the Ivy League

A riot at a high school in Queens, N.Y., targeting a pro-Israel teacher is the latest incident that shows how Islamism and toxic woke ideology is fueling Jew-hatred.

By JONATHAN S. TOBIN

The tally of anti-Semitic incidents in which mobs have called for Israel’s destruction—and even the genocide of Jews on the streets of American cities and on elite college campuses—grows with every passing week. But the shocking footage of a student riot at Hillcrest High School in Queens, N.Y., shows just how far the poison of Jew-hatred has spread in the educational system.

In the wake of the Oct. 7 Hamas terrorist atrocities, antisemitism has gone both viral and mainstream. The Hillcrest High riot might be considered just one more example of what happens when the lies about Israel being an “apartheid state” that commits “genocide” or about the necessity to “free Palestine” are fed to impressionable and ignorant youngsters. But as frightening as it might have been, the worst thing about it was the way school authorities reacted to it.

On Monday, Nov. 20, hundreds of students at the school staged a planned demonstration inside the school. They were prompted by the fact that a female Jewish teacher, who has taught at New York City public schools for 23 years—the last seven at Hillcrest—posted a picture of herself attending the Nov. 14 “March for Israel” in Washington, D.C. In it, she is holding a sign printed by the American Jewish Committee that says, “I Stand With Israel.”

Witnesses described what happened as hundreds of students flooded into the halls chanting anti-Israel slogans, waving Palestinian flags and banners, committing vandalism and shouting abuse at the teacher, who they said “had to go.” The New York City Police Department responded to the emergency, and with their help, the teacher reportedly fled her classroom. According to some accounts, she spent hours in a locked office while the students ran amuck. Eventually, the police and school officials herded the teenage rioters back into classrooms, and the besieged teacher was able to leave the building. Social-media posts by students, published subsequently by the Post, contained vulgar threats as well as anti-Semitic propaganda.

Defending the rioters

This isn’t the only case in which high school students have joined those on college campuses, as well as others demonstrating on the street, in acting out their hatred for Israel and Jews. In this case, their actions were not only particularly egregious but also put New York City Department of Education officials and city government on the spot. 

There was no public acknowledgment of the incident by authorities until the New York Post published a story about it days later after videos of the rampage were posted on TikTok. Yet even after the extent of the outrage became known, the reaction from those in charge spoke volumes about why such a thing had happened in the first place. Rather than an immediate promise of a crackdown, arrests and stern warnings about the consequences of a possible repetition of this hate crime, the tenor of the statements from New York City Schools Chancellor David C. Banks was more about the need to understand the motivations of the rioters and to condemn those sounding the alarm about the incident than anything else.

An alumnus of Hillcrest himself, Banks seemed most concerned with downplaying the story and defending the students at a press conference held at the school a week after the riot.

He complained about “misinformation” about what happened and asserted that the teacher was never in “direct danger.” If that is true, that begs the question as to why the calls for assistance were such that the NYPD reportedly responded by sending 25 police officers to the scene. Perhaps he would have considered it dangerous if the cops had arrived after the rioters got their hands on the teacher rather than in time to save her.

Banks acknowledged that “violence, hate and disorder have no place in our schools,” and spoke of potential disciplinary actions. But he was clear that it was more important to rationalize the motives of the rioters and to defend them against charges of supporting terrorism than to ensure that violence, hate and disorder are severely punished.

According to The New York Times, “The chancellor also called for a measure of understanding, saying the war was a ‘very visceral and emotional issue’ at Hillcrest, where about 30 percent of students are Muslim. ‘They feel a kindred spirit with the folks of the Palestinian community,’ Mr. Banks said, adding that the ‘notion that these kids are radicalized’ was irresponsible.”

No one present demanded that Banks explain why a mob chanting for Israel’s destruction with the usual “from the river to the sea” mantra while threatening a pro-Israel Jewish teacher is not evidence of radicalization.

That view was echoed by others who spoke at the event, including the student body president, who defended the idea of students conducting what he said was intended as a “peaceful protest,” that just got out of hand by kids who “lacked maturity” and just wanted “to enjoy themselves.” School administrators agreed, since they, too, think that demanding the firing of a Jewish teacher for backing the Jewish state is a reasonable exercise of the student’s First Amendment rights and not an example of bigotry. If Banks and others don’t think that the students were radicalized, it’s because they—following the lead of corporate mainstream media outlets like The Times that have mainstreamed anti-Semitic attacks on Israel’s existence—believe that there’s nothing particularly radical about such a position.

That mindset governed the way the school handled the incident. As reporting about the lead-up to the riot shows, administrators were aware of the plans for the “peaceful protest” against a member of their faculty for expressing her Jewish identity and beliefs. But instead of acting to ensure that this bigoted attack would be forestalled, they simply let it happen. They were more afraid of being labeled “Islamophobic” or confronting a student body with a record of violence than of protecting Jews from anti-Semitism.

They are not alone in thinking this way. The initial reaction to the Post story from New York City Mayor Eric Adams was to post on X: “The vile show of anti-Semitism at Hillcrest High School was motivated by ignorance-fueled hatred, plain and simple, and it will not be tolerated in any of our schools, let alone anywhere else in our city.” But Adams, generally regarded as an ally to the Jewish community, followed that up with another post about the need for “outreach” with such students.

Banks’s justification for the riot and the New York City Department of Education’s full-court press to defend the rioters rather than the Jewish teacher demonstrates that such behavior is being tolerated. 

This may seem reasonable to those who agree with the mob that a Jew publicly standing with Israel is a provocative act worthy of being protested. Imagine, however, the reaction from school authorities had a mob of white students targeted an African-American teacher for supporting the black community against violent attacks. Or if a school with a 30% Jewish population was the scene of a riot in which kids threatened an Arab or Muslim-American teacher. 

We know exactly what would have happened. The story would have been on the front page of the Times the next day, rather than buried inside the paper a week later. And those involved would have not just been immediately expelled from school but subjected to arrests with liberal politicians clamoring for the rioters to be prosecuted as adults rather than minors. Certainly, their chances of being admitted to college would be compromised.

But as the Times article made clear, the main concern of authorities was not so much about the riot as the possibility that—as in the case of a high school rally against Israel in San Francisco where the anti-Semitic “from the river to the sea” chant was employed—those involved would be identified because a video of their actions was viewed by millions on X.

Suffice it to say that the Hillcrest rioters are unlikely to get much more than being forced to sit through some meaningless sessions about diversity that will downplay the threat to Jews while focusing on the problem of Islamophobia, which is what attempts to hold Muslims accountable for spreading hatred of Jews is usually labeled.

The consequences of indoctrination

As angry as the public should be about both the incident and the pleas for understanding of the rioters’ state of mind, the problem goes beyond the travails of a New York City public school system that is already widely viewed as failing its students and their families.

The hate that the students spewed as they sought to attack a Jewish teacher is not merely the product of a few teenagers’ extreme political beliefs. It is the result of years of indoctrination about “white privilege” and “decolonization” throughout the schools that, contrary to liberals, has now spread into primary and secondary education. It’s also due to the Muslim-American community’s embrace of hatred for Israel and support for groups like Hamas.

The leading anti-Israel group on college campuses throughout the nation is Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), which traffics in the crudest anti-Semitic propaganda. As the Post reported this week, they’ve also created a cut-and-paste toolkit for high school students to use for planned “Days of Resistance” and walkouts to publicize their hate for the one Jewish state on the planet. Among the graphics they provide to kids is one that depicts a hang-glider descending on protesters—an invocation of the Hamas slaughter and gang rape of young Israelis at a music festival on Oct. 7.

This amply illustrates the danger that the spread of toxic left-wing ideologies like critical race theory and intersectionality pose. Groups like SJP clearly cross over the line that separates legal protests guaranteed by the First Amendment into incitement to violence and thus deserve to be banned from college campuses as some leaders, like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, have tried to do.

For all of the lip service that is paid to the post-Oct. 7 surge of incidents of hate crimes targeting Jews, so long as we’re asked to “understand” the motives of those who buy into the anti-Semitic propaganda that fuels these attacks rather than to seek accountability for those who commit and justify them, they will continue unabated.

American anti-Semitism is no longer a problem of a few “lone wolf” armed right-wing lunatics or even the toleration of a small cadre of Jew-hating leftists who use anti-Zionism as a thin disguise for their efforts to intimidate, shun and silence the entire Jewish community.

What happened at Hillcrest High is a warning that woke ideas and acceptance of Jew-hatred come with consequences Americans are only just beginning to glimpse. The mainstreaming of the lies about Israel—and the nature of the Palestinian war to destroy it and commit the genocide of its Jewish population—has reached a critical point. High-schoolers in Queens have been led to believe that they are entitled to riot, threaten and chase a Jewish teacher who had the temerity to stand with Israel out of school and not face the most severe punishment. If that is so, then U.S. education is in a downward spiral that will require urgent and even radical reform if it is to be saved.

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The one with Mike Rowe, a train, and the importance of Place and a Purpose in a World Gone Mad 

By Salena Zito

A wonderfully powerful podcast with Mike Rowe, myself and Chuck Klausmeyer filled with great storytelling that includes a rather hilarious moment about restoring a model train to honor my father, why the Gettysburg Address was panned then forgotten for 40 years and why Mike serenaded me with a 160 year old tune and how all of that leads back to  our profound need for a sense of purpose and place. 

listen here:

https://audioboom.com/posts/8407142-a-place-and-a-purpose-in-a-world-gone-mad-with-salena-zito

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The post humanity world is coming and for decades we  humans have been the prepared guinea pigs.

Watch this reel https://www.facebook.com/share/r/8qhcnK7c58LWV1ET/?mibextid=sy1ut2

And:

What has happened to the Democrat Party during this time?

1) they have embraced cultural Marxism.

2) They cause more problems than solve them.

3) With respect to the  black vote, which they are losing, they came to expect it rather than earn it.

4) They have become the anti-Semitic Party.

5) Their messaging has been controlled by Muslims and radical Islamists.

6) As Levin writes, they hate America.

And:

A U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs attorney is under investigation after posting a video to social media to mock Israelis as they plead for the return of their hostages taken by Hamas-led terrorists.

Shekeba Morrad, an appellate attorney for the Office of the General Counsel of the Department of Veterans Affairs, posted a video in which she takes a sarcastic tone and says, "We just want our hostages back. Give us our 200 hostages."

Morrad has since taken the video down, but it was picked up and shared on the social media platform X, formerly known as Twitter, by Canary Mission, which according to its profile "exposes hatred and antisemitism on college campuses and beyond."

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Dennis Ross like the NYT's Friedman is a certified idiot.

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Former US Diplomat Tries to Rescue Hamas Dennis Ross wants to rescue terrorist leaders. Will it bring lasting peace?

 By Moshe Phillips

Posted By Ruth King

Former U.S. Middle East envoy Dennis Ross has a plan to rescue Hamas from destruction, and he unveiled it on MSNBC just as announcements were being made that Israel and Hamas agreed to a temporary ceasefire.

Appearing on “Watch the Beat with Ari Melber,” on November 21, Ross said that “the way to end the war in Gaza” would be for Israel to allow the Hamas leadership to leave the territory in exchange for the release of the remaining hostages. Ross said he hopes the Biden Administration will promote such a proposal.

Ross cited a precedent: Israel’s decision in 1982, under U.S. pressure, to allow Yasser Arafat and the rest of the PLO leadership to leave besieged Beirut.

Ross forgot to mention what happened after Arafat left Lebanon. He didn’t ride off into the sunset of some quiet retirement. He sailed to nearby Tunis, set up PLO terrorist headquarters there, and embarked on twenty more years of terrorism. Shootings and stabbings. Bus bombings and intifadas. Thousands of Israelis murdered or maimed.

And now Ross wants Israel to repeat that tragic mistake. Once again, he wants to see terrorist leaders rescued, which would leave them free to orchestrate more October 7-style massacres.

But then again, Ambassador Ross has never been very good about learning the lessons—including the lessons from his own actions.

This is, after all, the same Dennis Ross who has publicly admitted—on the op-ed page of the Washington Post—that he pressured Israel to let Hamas import concrete. Ross insisted the concrete would be used to build houses. Israel was afraid it would be used to build terror tunnels. But under Ross’s pressure, the Israelis gave in, despite the danger.

Years later, when the damage was already done, Ross admitted that the Israelis were right to be worried.

Today, it is Israeli families that are paying the price for Ross’s mistake. Hundreds of innocent Israelis, and other foreign nationals including American citizens, are being held hostage in those terrorist tunnels, which were built with the concrete that Ross helped bring into Gaza.

Former American diplomats often lead a charmed life. Ross and the other ex-Middle East envoys—Daniel Kurtzer, Martin Indyk, Aaron Miller, Richard Haas, David Makovsky—have comfortable paid positions in various think tanks and universities. Perched in those ivory towers, they dish out unsolicited advice on how Israel should conduct itself.

They are quoted regularly in the New York Times, and appear frequently on television shows where hosts such as Ari Melber ask them softball questions. They are treated as if the fact that they were involved in past Middle East diplomacy somehow makes them experts on how to bring peace to that part of the world today.

Nobody seems to notice that all their diplomatic efforts, ranging over three decades, were complete failures. Not only did they not achieve anything remotely resembling peace—they actually made things worse. Much worse.

They pressured Israel to make one-sided concessions that were never reciprocated. They intimidated Israel into setting free hundreds of terrorists in worthless “gestures.” They emboldened Palestinian Arab extremism by covering up the Palestinian Authority’s constant violations of the Oslo Accords. And they helped turn world public opinion against Israel, by constantly blaming Israel as the main obstacle to peace.

And after all that, now they have the gall to show up on op-ed pages and talk shows, posing as neutral experts, trotting out new proposals that are supposed to magically succeed where every previous proposal of theirs has failed.

Ex-diplomats never have to deal with the consequences of their bad advice. After their diplomatic efforts flop, they return to comfortable jobs and the warmth of friendly television shows. They continue to enjoy the feeling of importance that derives from being quoted in the news and they are deluged with prestigious speaking invitations. Meanwhile, thousands of miles away, Israeli women and children have to face the snipers and stabbers and bombers whom those diplomats helped set free.

Isn’t it time to learn some lessons from recent history? Isn’t it time to learn from the mistakes of Dennis Ross and his colleagues? Rescuing terrorist leaders always leads to more terror. That’s what happened with Arafat in 1982, and that’s what will happen if Israel listens to Ross today.

Moshe Phillips is a commentator on Jewish affairs whose writings appear regularly in the American and Israeli press.

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DeSantis is not whatthe leftists would have you believe.  In fact he is extraordinarily intllgent, courageous as hll,a Seal, a fabulus Governor anda clear eyed consrvative whois not afraid to move inthe direction he believes is best.

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The Fight for New College

This short (9-minute) documentary speaks to the state of numerous universities and how changes can be made with a bit of effort:

https://christopherrufo.com/p/the-fight-for-new-college 

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